4. Daughters and the
Natal Family in Taiwan: Affinal Relationships in Chinese Society
Ueno Hiroko
Introduction
"When my daughter
was born, I heaved a sigh of grief." During my stay in a village in
southern Taiwan for fieldwork, I frequently heard men speak these words. In
Chinese society, which has a patrilineal descent system, it is a matter of
course that the birth of a son who will succeed to the line of descent is
expected. The birth of a daughter means not only the disappointment of not
having a son, but also the huge expense of the daughter's marriage and the
post-wedding gifts, and so it draws a sigh from the father. But on the other
hand they also said, "If all children are sons only, it is very cheerless.
We want at least one daughter. When a parent dies a memorial ritual is
performed by daughters only."
Past discussions of
Chinese kinship have concentrated on patrilineal descent and the patrilineage,
in other words, on the relationships among men through the generations. In
other patrilineal societies, even from the time of Radcliffe-Brown, a large number of studies have been made of
relationships through woman - matrilateral and affinal relationships and
marriage alliances (Radcliffe-Brown,
1952 [1924]). But until recently in the anthropological study of Chinese
kinship only a few studies have been made on this theme. It means that the
examination of the various roles of women in the family system has been
neglected. The purpose of this paper is to analyze field data on affinal relationships
in a Taiwan Chinese village to consider these roles, and especially to point
out the significance of the married-out "daughter" in Chinese
patrilineal society.
In Chinese society, apart
from patrilineal kin (
qinzu, chhin-chok), all matrilateral kin, the
descendants of married-out patrilineal female kin and affines are included in
one category:
qinqi, chhin-chhek. [1] In this paper I will not make
a distinction between affines and matrilateral kin in considering the
relationships which are formed through marital relationships.[2] I use the term "affinal relationships"
in a broad sense to refer to these relationships. In regard to affinal
relationships, the categories of "wife-givers" and
"wife-takers" are adopted here.
In considering affinal
relationships in China, the special role of the mother's brother offers the key
to an understanding. In the 1930s Fei Hsiao-T'ung
observed that the mother's brother played an important role in the sister's
son's naming, marriage, and family division in a rural community in Zhejiang
Province (Fei, 1939:86-87). But
thereafter in mainland China field studies of matrilateral and affinal
relationships have not produced particularly good results. In Hong Kong, Rubie Watson very clearly reveals that affinal
relationships are correlated with class differences in a strong lineage (R. Watson, 1985). And the subject of
marriage and inequality has been discussed from the anthropological and
historical approach (Watson and Ebrey eds, 1991). Recently many
interesting studies have been made of marriage and the position of women in
changing Chinese society. But so far the study of affinal relationships has not
been fully explored.
In Taiwan Chinese
society, a proverb says "In heaven Thi-kon is highest, on earth the
mother's brother is highest."
The mother's brother has authority over his sister's son. The earliest
description of the role of the mother's brother is to be found in Suzuki Seiichiro's work. He writes that
the mother's brother presents gifts on the birth and during the growth of the
sister's children, takes a seat of honour at the wedding feast, and has a
special role at the funeral of the mother (Suzuki,
1934: 113-116, 188, 217-218). Ikeda
Toshio reports on the roles in a woman's natal family. When the family is
divided, the wife's natal family offers gifts of twelve types of kitchen
utensils, and when the married-out woman has a baby, its mother's mother must
spend a lot of money on gifts (Ikeda,
1944: 142-143, 255-256). But these descriptions are fragmentary; the study of
affinal relationships had not started in earnest.
The first serious study
of the affinal relationships in Taiwan was made by Bernard Gallin. He shows that affines are
available for labour exchange and money loans. They often visit each other, and
play an important role in elections in Chunghua County (Gallin, 1960; 1966 175-181). In the 1970s, the need to
solidify affinal relationships outside the village for purposes of
socio-economic and political advancement increased (Gallin and Gallin,
1985). The Gallins consider the
problems in the context of the changes, and their studies are regarded as the
basic works on affinal relationships in Taiwan. But these studies fail to
account for the role of wife-takers and wife-givers, that is, whether or not
the wife-takers and wife-givers have mutually similar roles. Furthermore they
leave the ritual aspect of affinal relationships untouched.
Ahern has examined the ritual
aspect of the affinal relationships in Taipei County. The wife-givers are
expected to perform services for the wife-takers and to present lavish gifts,
and must validate the wife-givers' superior status by economic and ritual presentations.
At a wedding feast the wife-giving family members are singled out with seats of
honour. Funerals reveal most clearly the power and authority of the
wife-givers. When the brothers divide their parents' estate, the arbitration of
their mother's brother ensures their successful transformation into separate
property holders. At that time goods are brought by the natal family of each
brother's wife. The wife-givers have the power and ability to exercise some
control over the wife-takers (Ahern,
1974).
Ahern's work is very valuable.
It points out that the wife-givers take part in the procreation, marriage,
family division and death of the wife-takers, making clear that the wife-givers
are superior to the wife-takers in the ritual aspect. But for further
understanding of the affinal relationship, it is necessary to examine the
behaviour of the wife-takers concretely, and to analyze the affinal
relationships in some aspects other than ritual ones.
In Chinese society it is
said that the desirable marriage is one in which the socio-economic status of
wife-givers and wife-takers are balanced. But on this point, previous studies indicate
a wide difference. Freedman
observes that because the groom's family has the right to control the bride and
her status is low in her marital family, the bride's family is inferior to the
groom's, the opposite conclusion to that of Ahern
(Freedman, 1958: 100; 1970: 185;
1979 [1967]: 269). But as Freedman
does not consider fully the fertility of the bride and the ritual and economic
significance of the bride's family, his explanation is not persuasive. Daniel Kulp reports that wealth, scholarship,
and prestige of a bride's family must be either better than, or equal to, that
of the groom's family in a Kwangtung village (Kulp,
1966 [1925]: 169). Arthur Wolf
points out that marriage does not create a hierarchy of wife-givers and
wife-receivers (A. Wolf, 1970:
199). These studies fails to grasp that the economic aspects of the
relationship between the wife-givers and the wife-takers is different from the
ritual aspects, and that the relationship is not immutable through the
generations. Nakao Katsumi observes
that in Chinese society, which has no caste system, the gifts on marriage do
not define the hierarchy of wife-givers and wife-takers. The relationship of
the two is changeable (Nakao,
1991: 191-193). The present study makes clear the various relationships between
the wife-givers and wife-takers.
Past studies have not
precisely defined the spheres of wife-givers and wife-takers. In this paper my
argument is based on the following interpretation. Wife-givers and wife-takers
are the contracting families in a marriage. The family of wife-givers is the
natal family of a married woman, called
au-thau-chhu or
goa-ke. After family division
between brothers, all the brothers' families count as their sister's natal
family. The family of wife-takers is the husband's family, the "marital
family". Before the family division between the husband's brothers the marital
family includes the husband's parents and brothers as a joint family, but the
relationship between wife-givers and wife-takers mainly involves the natal family
and the married couple. And after the family division among the husband's
brothers the relationship between wife-givers and wife-takers only involves the
natal family and the conjugal family of the husband.
In this paper I consider
affinal relationships in a village in Tainan County, particularly examining the
exchanges between wife-givers and wife-takers and their reciprocal ritual and
economic roles. I give attention to the wife-taker's behaviour towards the
wife-givers and the changes of character of the affinal relationships through
generations, none of which has been fully discussed in past studies.
Consequently this paper shows why the birth of a daughter who must marry out is
expected, and why the affinal relationships are important in Taiwan Chinese
society.
The setting: Ka-chheng-lim
In the Tainan area
(Tainan City and County) the natal family has many duties toward the married
women as compared with other areas, and this is a matter of common knowledge in
Taiwan. Also, based on my more extensive research elsewhere in Taiwan, this
perception seems quite reasonable.[3]
The village data for this
paper were collected over a course of twenty months starting in December 1982.
The village, here called Ka-chheng-lim, is located in the Sai-kang District of
Tainan County, about fifteen kilometers north of central Tainan City. All the
inhabitants in and around this District are Fukien Chinese people. Though the
historical details are not clear, it is said that Ka-chheng-lim was founded
over 300 years ago. In July 1984 the village contained a total resident
population of 516, distributed among 139 households. Traditionally the
villagers have been engaged in rotational cultivation of rice and sugarcane,
lately cultivating tomatoes for forwarding to the factory and corn for feed,
but in recent years sideline business activities have shown a yearly increase,
so that now the greater share of their income depends on factory labour.
Ka-chheng-lim has no
predominant lineage. According to a survey of the surnames of household heads,
Tan is the most common surname, accounting for 58.2% of all household heads.
The Tan are divided into three patrilineal lines, the largest one, whose
ancestor founded this village, accounting for 46% of all household heads. It is
a multi-surnamed village having one prominent surname and patrilineal line.
The joint family which is
a traditional ideal in Chinese society, accounted for only one household in
July 1984. Before the 1940s joint families were more frequent, but they were
organised on a small scale, usually with patrilateral first cousins or
brothers, and often divided easily. In July 1984 the conjugal family type
accounted for 76.3% of households, the stem family type 23.0%, and the joint
family type 0.7%.
Even before the formal
division of property, in many cases the conjugal units already have their own
kitchen and eat by themselves. This situation is different from family division
in the sense of division of property. After all the brothers have married or
the father has died, family division occurs. The property is divided equally
among brothers, who have the same responsibility of caring for their parents
and for ancestor worship. Besides this, the brothers' responsibility for their
sisters is also equal. The daughter must marry out. If she dies before
marriage, sometimes a ghost marriage is arranged for her, and she finally
obtains a marital family (Ueno
1987b).[4]
Marriages in
Ka-chheng-lim underwent a great change in the 1960s when rapid
industrialisation occurred. Since this time a partner has been decided on in
deference to the wishes of the bride and groom. Before 1960s the marriages
within Sai-kang District accounted for half the total, and marriages between
the twelve villages located within one kilometre of the research village were
especially frequent. Most of the other marriages were with partners in
neighbouring districts. This sphere of marriages almost overlaps with the
spheres of marketing and religion based on Sai-kang Town. Traditionally
marriages within the village and with relatives were not preferred. The
desirable marriage was one which created a new relationship beyond the existing
network. The new affinal relationships are expected to maintain social
relationships beyond the village.
In the Sai-kang District
one can distinguished two important political factions (Jordan 1972: 8), and
the conflict is very severe. So, the influential families also have to consider
faction, when making their marriage arrangements.
Exchange in marriage and ritual
The first point to be
discussed here is the series of exchanges during the process of marriage. The
problems of brideprice and dowry have provoked a great deal of controversy
concerning the women's status and property rights. But to examine the substance
of the exchanges, we must consider all exchanges both during the marriage
rituals and after the wedding, together with the ritual factors.
In Ka-chheng-lim when the
marriage has been agreed upon by two families, the wife-givers present to the
wife-takers the first gift, called
heng-ho-su ("congratulations on a happy
event"), which consists of ten rice cakes and one cock. The first gift is
not reciprocal; only the wife- givers send it. At the betrothal ceremony (
teng-hun) the wife-takers send a
part of the brideprice (
pheng-kim). In this area the regular amount
of brideprice is 160,000 or 180,000 yuan, well over half the annual income of
the average household. At the present time if the wife-givers are wealthy, in
many cases, the wife-givers do not receive the brideprice. In these cases, on
the betrothal ceremony the wife-givers receive a very small amount of
brideprice ritually. Usually on the betrothal ceremony the wife-takers send
20,000 or 60,000 yuan. The other main gifts are rings, and the wedding cakes (
le-pia) which the wife-givers
send to inform their relatives, neighbourhood and friends. The main gifts from
the wife-givers are rings, tie-clips, cakes and bananas which the wife-takers
send to inform their own relatives, neighbourhood and friends. The wife-givers
invite the matchmaker, those wife-takers who have come to the bride's house,
and their close relatives, to a small banquet. The expense of this banquet is
borne by the wife-givers.
At the
oan-pheng ceremony the main gifts
from the wife-takers are the balance of the brideprice, the money for the hire
of the wedding dress, cakes, and the money for a pig. The main gifts from
wife-givers are suits, leather shoes, cakes and bananas. On the day before the
wedding the wife-takers send wedding candles, firecrackers and a rice sieve
which is for the purpose of averting evil. In this process, if the wife-givers
do not receive the brideprice, the expenditure on gifts by the wife-givers and
wife-takers is almost equal.
In the 1980s the minimum
dowry (
ke-chng) consisted of a refrigerator, washing machine, television,
electric rice cooker, sofa, table, wardrobe, dresser, bed, clothes,
accessories, motorcycle, and cash. Before the 1930s the dowry only consisted of
accessories of gold and silver and clothes which the bride could wear for a few
years. In the 1940s and 1950s, a bicycle and sewing machine were added to the
dowry; in the 1970s, along with the economic development, the dowry increased
precipitously. Before the 1970s, in some cases, the wife-givers spent the
brideprice on the betrothal banquet, the wedding feast for their relatives, the
gifts for the wife-takers and the dowry. At present the brideprice is spent on
the dowry only. It is thus "indirect dowry" (Goody, 1973:2), a system traditionally dominant in China (Parish and Whyte, 1978 :182). In many cases, the bride's father
provides the dowry by himself. In this village the dowry and indirect dowry
become a private fund for the bride. The items in the dowry vary with the
financial state of the bride's family. But if the dowry is no more valuable
than the brideprice, the wife-givers and wife-takers lose face, and the bride
feels that her status is low in her marital family. The wife-givers thus
prepare a dowry which is as expensive as possible.
The dowry is included in
the woman's private fund that may also be utilised by her husband and children
(Cohen, 1976: 178-191; R. Watson, 1991: 356-358; M. Wolf, 1975: 134-135). She allocates it
for expenditure for herself and her children, and was formerly expected to lend
a part of the dowry to the joint family if it had not yet been divided between
the husband's brothers. If the bride does not have enough dowry to lend, she is
in a difficult position. Before the family division the couple refrain from
spending the dowry on themselves, but after the division between the husband's
brothers the couple may utilise the wife's dowry freely, and the husband may
borrow the dowry and convert it into money for his business. The economic
activity of the couple is supported by their fathers. In the marriage process
the wife-givers give the daughter and property to the wife-takers and groom,
and after the wedding they must continue giving gifts to the couple. Comparing
the expenses of the wife-givers with those of the wife-takers in the marriage
process, generally the wife-givers spend much more, and this is also recognised
by the villagers.
In the process of
marriage the wife-givers and wife-takers make the ritual gifts. The most
significant gift from the wife-takers is the pig. At present the wife-takers
provide the money for a pig, but in former times they sent an actual pig or a
part of pig. The wife-givers having received the pig, must return the tips of
the feet to the wife-takers. The villagers say, "To give meat for eating
[to the wife-givers] is desirable, to give the bones for gnawing is
impossible." The custom that the wife-takers send the pig and the
wife-givers return the tips or the bones is generally followed in Taiwan
Chinese society. It may be considered that the gifts represent Chinese folk
genetic ideology that flesh is inherited from the mother and bones from the
father (Oyama, 1952: 44-46; Ueno, 1993: 213; J. Watson, 1988: 113-114). In
Ka-chheng-lim the villagers do not
give an interpretation of the custom, but they know that proverb and see the
flesh as coming from the mother and bones from the father. The gift of a pig
strengthens the relationship between the wife-givers and wife-takers and
symbolises their production of a child together.
Most of the gifts from
the wife-givers have a ritual meaning. On the wedding day, the wife-takers hold
a feast for their relatives and invite the wife-givers and the wife-givers'
close relatives. On the following day the wife-givers hold a feast for their
relatives, and invite the couple, the wife-takers, and the wife-taker's close
relatives. The wife-givers present a pair of chickens and two sugarcanes to the
couple. The chickens are called "the guiding chickens" (
chhoa-lo-ke), referring to a wish
that the bride will not forget the way to come back to her natal house. The
fact that it is a pair of chickens implies a prayer for a baby. They put the
fowls under the couple's bed, and it is said that if the cock comes out first,
the bride will first have a son, and if the hen comes out, the firstborn will
be a daughter. Whole sugarcane, from root to tip, symbolises that everything is
satisfactory and that the couple feel happy.
The gifts from the
wife-givers particularly have not only economic functions but also the
symbolise the wish for close relations between the couple and the birth of a
child. The guiding chickens suggest the close tie between the married woman and
the natal family. The rites of marriage on one side symbolise that the bride
leaving the natal family is joining the marital family and will have a baby,
and on the other side represent the fact that that the woman maintains a
relationship with her natal family. This contradiction or ambivalence certainly
expresses the position of the married woman.[5]
Gifts for procreation and prosperity
Let us consider the role
of wife-givers from their gift behaviour. In the first summer after marriage
the woman takes a summer vacation, goes back to her natal home and stays
several days. When she comes back to her marital home, the natal family -
the wife-givers - gives the couple presents of clothes and between sixty
and a hundred rice cakes in the shape of a peach. The cakes are presented to
the relatives and the neighbours of the wife-takers, and so they know that the
wife has visited her natal home and they recognise the existence of the
wife-givers who give her support. Because of this custom, the wife-takers must
let the wife go back her natal home, and the wife-givers must bear the expense
of supporting her and preserving their honour by supplying the rice cakes.
On the twelfth day after
the married woman gives birth to a child, the child's hair is ritually shaved.
On that day the wife-givers send chickens, ducks, pig's kidneys and so on to
feed the mother. Besides these the wife-givers present noodles which stand for
longevity and a flower (a Chinese mallow or
hibiscus mutabilis) which means good health
for the baby. Exactly one month after the first son's or daughter's birth the
wife-givers present many things - clothes, a hat, a ring, a perambulator,
and bedclothes for the baby, and round rice cakes. After four months, the
wife-givers send baby's clothes and the peach-shaped rice cakes, and on the
first birthday they present clothes, shoes, a hat, a bracelet, rice cakes in
the shape of a turtle and other items. The rice cakes are presented to the
relatives and neighbours of the wife-takers.
On the occasion of family
division the role of the wife-givers is very prominent. As I mentioned earlier,
in this village family division occurs easily, so in each generation the family
must be divided between the brothers and organised into conjugal families. When
family division occurs, the wife-givers of the conjugal families make a gift
called
keng-chau, meaning "to support the stove", to the new
families. This is a very important gift which must be presented for each new
conjugal family. If the brothers who have managed the communal household divide
the property, the eldest brother may inherit the original stove, but the other
things - even dishes - must be divided equally. Each conjugal
family cannot inherit enough to make a living, and so they depend on support
from the wife-givers. Previously the gifts were twelve sorts of goods,
including kitchen bowls, a water storage jar and others - and the
chickens, symbolising the property of the family. In the Taiwanese language
"family" (
ke) and "chickens" (
ke) are homophones. Later
on the wife-givers gave presents including a gas range and refrigerator and
other kitchen utensils, but at present almost all of them send money. The
contents of
keng-chau differ depending on the state of the wife-givers' finances.
But if the wife's dowry is small, the wife-givers are obliged to compensate
with an expensive gift at the time of family division. Recently, in many cases,
before formal family division, the conjugal units eat by themselves. Even in
these cases, when the formal family division of the parental property occurs,
the wife-givers of each conjugal family perform
keng-chau. At the family division
the wife-givers send twelve other kinds of gifts, including rice cakes, rice, a
bamboo hoop which stands for perfection, and others. These are offered to the
Stove God of the new conjugal family. At the family division the wife-givers
present not only economic support but also ritual gifts to bring prosperity to
the wife-takers.
In the housewarming
ritual (
jip-chhu) the gifts from the wife-givers are significant.
Jip-chhu
is
performed on the occasion when the
thia (the room for the worship of the
gods, Buddha and the ancestors) is newly built or families move to the new
house. The wife-givers present a pair of lanterns which are used for the
worship of Thi-kong and Sam-kai-kong. These are hung in the
thia. The "lantern"
and the word meaning "man" are also homophones,
teng, the gift of the
lanterns representing a wish for the birth of a son. Even if the
thia room is held in common
with brothers, each wife-giver sends a pair of lanterns. Besides, sometimes the
wife-givers of the brothers share the costs of purchasing an altar or a small
shrine for the worship of the gods, a Buddha and the ancestral tablets in the
thia.
This is
the most sanctified place in the house, and is the place for ancestor worship.
A pair of lanterns and an altar or a small shrine symbolise that the continuity
of the patrilineal descent is necessary to assure the fertility of the married
woman and the existence of the wife-givers that pray for her procreation.
In regard to the role of
wife-givers, the authority of the mother's brother (
bo-ku) is often discussed. In
Ka-chheng-lim, the
bo-ku is an honoured guest at the wedding feast of his sister's
son. In traditional practice, if the
bo-ku has not arrived, the feast cannot
be held: he takes the seat of honour. The
bo-ku must present
bo-ku-lian and a lot of money to
the groom. The
bo-ku-lian, a pair of cloths on which is written a lucky couplet and
which are hung in the
thia room, are shared with the mother's brothers. At the time of
the family division between the sister's sons, their mother's brother is an
absolute arbitrator. The mother's brother is paid ritual respect, and he has
the responsibility of supplying presents to his sister's son. The mother's
brother gives him many presents and prays for his birth and growth, so that he
must respect his mother's brother.
Women's funerals and the natal family
On the death of the
woman, her natal family has many roles and these reveal most clearly the
authority of the wife-givers. As soon as the woman dies, the marital family
sends a person to tell the natal family about her death, and to ask someone to
come to see the woman. Usually her brothers come, and the children of the dead
woman must fall on their knees to receive their mother's brothers. Until the
wife-givers can confirm that she has been nursed carefully and died a natural
death, her coffin is not allowed to be covered.
Members of the
wife-givers attend her funeral and make offerings. This behaviour is called
cho-au-thau (performing the
wife-giver's role); four or six people attend. In a rite performed before the
coffin is carried to the grave site, her brothers communally present a set of
offerings that involves the
seng-le (including the head of a pig)[6],
fruit, rice, and other objects. Besides this, two identical sets are offered,
one from her sons and the other from her daughters. The set for the wife-givers
is placed on the left, which is the superior position. In this village the
women of the wife-givers see her coffin out of the compound and the men go to
the grave site and watch the burial of coffin in the grave. In contrast with
the custom in northern Taiwan, where the wife-givers do not join the funeral
procession, it is clear that the relation between a married woman and the natal
family is very strong in Tainan. After the male wife-givers family come back
from the grave site, the wife-takers present
ang-pau, a red envelope with
money, to the wife-givers. It expresses the wife-takers' thanks to the
wife-givers for the favour. The wife-givers accept only the envelope and return
the money. This shows that the wife-givers think
cho-au-thau is their bound duty and
that they desire to continue the relation between the wife-givers and the
wife-takers. If relations are bad, the wife-givers do not return the money, and
they sever the relationship with the wife-takers, though the villagers say that
they do not know of such a case happening. The death of the woman who connects
two sides may be an opportunity to change the nature of the affinal
relationship. But usually the connection is continued, and the right of
decision, particularly in ritual, is entrusted to the wife-givers.[7]
At the funeral other
affines play an important ritual role, which is called
ko-pang - meaning to look
after the room. On the day of the funeral of a father or mother, one woman from
each of the natal families of the wives of sons who still live in the compound,
either a mother, sister or brother's wife, comes. They turn on the light in the
dead parent's room. After the coffin has been carried out from the
thia to the courtyard, the
women from each of the wives' natal families put water, nails and coins in a
bucket, and they put these in the same place as the coffin had been in the
thia. After the funeral
procession leaves the courtyard, they put these buckets into the dead parent's
room. When the procession comes back, each of the women pours water from the
bucket into the water storage jar of each daughter-in-law to whom she is related.
The nails and coins are used later. In Taiwanese, "nail" and
"man" are homophones,
teng. These rituals are to make the
families rich and to beget sons.
Ko-pang does not involve gifts, but the
wife-givers perform the role of blessing the wife-takers.
From her marriage to her
death, the married woman receives economic and ritual support from her natal
family. The natal family in Taiwanese is
au-thau-chhu, meaning the house
behind (her), and this eloquently indicates the role of the natal family.
The role of son-in-law
Although the roles of
wife-givers, as we have noted, have been discussed in previous studies, the
roles of wife-takers, except with respect to the mother's brother, have been
paid little attention. But what has to be noticed is that the most significant
relationship among affines is not that between mother's brother (
bo-ku) and sister's son (
goa-seng), but that between
wife's father (
tiu-lang) and daughter's husband (
kia-sai). The dyad between the
wife's father and daughter's husband offers the key to understanding affinal
relationships in Taiwan Chinese society. It also sheds light on the position of
women who cannot succeed within the natal family due to patrilineal descent.
We shall discuss the role
of son-in-law (
kia-sai) in detail. He is well received by the wife's natal family.
At present, the first time he visits the natal family formally is at the
betrothal rite. Previously it was at the wedding feast of the wife-givers,
which was held on the day after that of the wife-takers. Even now, when the
kia-sai and his wife have
arrived at the natal family's house for the wedding feast, the wife may enter
the house by herself, but the
kia-sai must be escorted by a member of the
natal family to the
thia. He is offered a chair on the left side of the room, which
is the best seat. On the right side a man who is younger than
kia-sai or of a junior
generation, usually the younger brother of the wife, sits down, and they drink
tea together ritually. It means that the
kia-sai is the guest of honour in the
wife's natal family, and he must present the money -
ang-pau - to the
parents-in-law, and the children of the wife's brothers.
On the first New Year
after marriage, the
kia-sai and his wife must make a call on the natal family,
and he must present money as a New Year's gift to the parents-in-law, and
children of the wife's brothers. After this, his visiting the wife's natal
family is not obligatory, but he is expected to do it whenever possible. In
Ka-chheng-lim it is usually found that the married woman and her husband call
on her natal family. If the parents-in-law go on a trip or enter hospital, and
they need to spend money, the
kia-sai is expected to help with the
expense. Usually the sons-in-law arrange together to share the expense equally.
When the natal family has rites, such as a wedding, or
jip-chhu, they must attend and
send substantial sums of money (
ang-pau) .
The ritual obligations of
kia-sai
are seen on the deaths of the parents-in-law. On the seventh day after a death
the daughters and their husbands come back to hold a memorial ritual called
cha-bo-gin-a-sun, daughter's memorial
ritual. The ritual nominally is the daughters', but as a matter of fact, their
husbands, the sons-in-law, share the expenses for the ritual together. At the
funeral the daughters share a set of offerings, and that expense is also borne
by their husbands. The memorial ritual and the offering are the obligation of
the married daughters. Unmarried daughters are considered members of the natal
family and have no obligation to contribute to the expenses. Besides this, the
sons-in-law must hire a singer for the funeral songs, and, if the state of
their finances is good, they also hire a band to take part in the funeral
procession. They must give the natal family a large sum of incense money.
A proverb goes, "A
son-in-law is half a son." A son-in-law is expected to be as dutiful to
his parents-in-law as to his own parents. Only a daughter who gets a husband
can carry out rituals and make an economic contribution on behalf of her parents.
Son-in-law and father-in-law
Besides the ritual
aspects, when the natal family needs money and support for social activities,
the son-in-law is expected to give help to the natal family, especially to the
father-in-law. On this subject, I will analyze the donations for rebuilding the
village temple in Ka-chheng-lim.
Ka-chheng-lim has a
village temple called Ko-ma-kiong, built in 1579. Early in this century the
temple was ruined, and the images of the gods were moved to another place. In
1978 it was decided to rebuild the temple.
The scale of a temple
must befit the power of the gods. Because Ko-ma-kiong was a very influential
temple in olden times, the oracle said
that if the temple was too small the gods would not want it to be
rebuilt. As a result, the scale of temple which was planned was so large that a
small village of this size had great financial difficulty. In November 1983,
the rebuilding was almost completed, and the ritual of inauguration was
performed. For about six years the members of the committee on rebuilding and
the
lin-tiu, the chiefs of the sections in this village, zealously raised funds for
rebuilding. According to the record of the accounts settlement in April 1984,
the funds raised totalled about 10.8 million yuan, about 2.57 million yuan
consisting of obligatory donations from each family in the village, plus some
other income, such as the proceeds of sales of paper money for the gods, and
money offerings. The bulk of the funds was from donations, especially
contributions from outside the village. How to solicit contributions is where
the committee members and the
lin-tiu showed their abilities in
fund-raising, and they made full use of their network to obtain donations. When
a person is asked to contribute for a temple, usually he contributes readily,
if the state of his finances is not so bad. It shows that he is pious, a
successful man and very generous. To be asked for a donation and to comply with
the request saves face for both the contributor and the requester, and it shows
the extent of their social network. In Chinese society one's authority depends
on one's social network.[8] To contribute to a temple confirms a relationship
between two people. The name of the contributor is carved in the temple, and
the contributor and fund raiser are proud of that.
The items donated in the
May 1984 data which I collected are presented in Table 1.[9] As Table 1
indicates, the largest share of donations came from ex-villagers. In
particular, those who have been successful abroad are expected to contribute to
their home village. The affines' donations are no less than those of the
villagers.
Relation
|
Amount
(yuan)
|
%
of Subtotal
|
Number
of persons
|
Average
per person
|
|
|
|
|
|
Villagers
[a]
|
945,500
|
13.0
|
64
|
14,733
|
Ex-villagers
[b]
|
2,427,560
|
33.3
|
173
|
14,032
|
Religious
link [c]
|
117,300
|
1.6
|
25
|
4,692
|
Affinal link
[d]
|
999,500
|
13.7
|
122
|
8,193
|
Political
leaders [e]
|
140,200
|
1.9
|
17
|
8,247
|
Shopkeepers
[f]
|
543,900
|
7.5
|
104
|
5,230
|
Friendship
link [g]
|
252,100
|
3.5
|
56
|
4,502
|
Temple link
[h]
|
76,360
|
1.0
|
10
|
7,636
|
Congregation
[i]
|
1,796,000
|
24.6
|
388
|
4,629
|
|
|
|
|
|
Subtotal
|
7,298,420
|
100.0
|
959
|
7,601
|
|
|
|
|
|
Under 1,000
Yuan
|
95760
|
|
271
|
353
|
|
|
|
|
|
Totals
|
7,394,180
|
|
1,230
|
6,012
|
Notes
[a] Villagers of
Ka-chheng-lim who make voluntary donations
[b] Previous residents,
or children of previous male residents
[c] Present and former
inhabitants of the villages affiliated to the temple
[d] Affines of villagers
and former villagers
[e] Politicians:
assemblymen, village chiefs etc.
[f] Owners of the shops
where the villagers shop
[g] Friends of the
rebuilding committee members and
the
lin-tiu
[h] Other temples associated
with Ko-ma-kion.
[i] Temple congregation,
or reason for donation unclear
Table
1. Donations for the rebuilding of the temple
I would like to focus
attention on the composition of the affines who made donations. In Table 2, the
affines are classified into two categories, according to the relationship of
their
ho tiu or family heads.[10] Category l are the relatives of the marital
families of the women who married out from Ka-chheng-lim. It consists of the
wife-takers as I have defined them, and their relatives. Category 2 are the
relatives of the natal families of women who married into Ka-chheng-lim. It
consists of the wife-givers as I have defined them, and their relatives.
This table indicates that
the relatives by marriage of the women who married out contributed far more
than the relatives of women who married in. The wife-takers include mostly the
women's husbands, but there are no cases of the women's sons making donations.
To put it in reverse, the sons-in-law or brothers-in-law of the family heads in
Ka-chheng-lim make donations, but their sisters' sons do not. And the relatives
of wives of family heads scarcely contribute. The donations of the wife's
sister's husbands are large, but those of the natal family (wife-givers) are
not so large. There is also a difference visible in the amounts of donations of
the two categories 1 and 2. These figures show clearly that the expected role
of the wife-takers is different from that of the wife-givers.
|
Relationship
|
|
Amount
(Yuan)
|
Number
of People
|
Average
amount per person
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
1.
|
Wife-takers
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Son-in-law
|
551,900
|
44
|
12,542
|
|
|
Brother-in-law
|
214,200
|
38
|
5637
|
|
|
Sister's son
|
0
|
0
|
0
|
|
|
Others
|
54,800
|
5
|
10,960
|
|
|
Subtotal
|
820,900
|
87
|
9,436
|
|
Relatives
of wife-takers
|
|
6,400
|
3
|
2,133
|
|
Subtotal (1)
|
|
827,300
|
90
|
9,192
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
2.
|
Wife-givers
|
|
82,500
|
18
|
4,583
|
|
Relatives
of wife-givers
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Wife's
sister's husband
|
49,000
|
7
|
7,000
|
|
|
Others
|
40,700
|
7
|
2,817
|
|
|
Subtotal
|
89,700
|
14
|
6,407
|
|
Subtotal (2)
|
|
172,200
|
32
|
5,381
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Total (1 + 2)
|
|
999,500
|
122
|
8,193
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Table 2. Donations of
Affines
This difference is
recognised by the villagers. One man said, "I have no daughter, but I have
two sisters who married out. My two sisters' husbands have made donations for
our village temple, partly at my request and partly voluntarily. To ask the husband
of daughter or sister to contribute is easy. We have a close relationship. For
the family of a daughter or sister, our family is
au-thau-chhu. Because they depend
upon us for support, it is proper that they should make a donation for the
natal family's village temple. However, it is hard to ask the natal family of
my wife or daughter-in-law. If I request one, I will be in debt to them. When
they ask me to do something, I cannot refuse. So I have not asked the natal
family of my daughter-in-law." Another said, "A
kia-sai is half a son. A
son-in-law must take care of the wife's natal family. If a daughter has any
difficulties, she depends upon
au-thau-chhu. It is proper that her husband
makes a donation to the home village temple. But if the village into which my
daughter has married holds any events, that is no concern of ours." The
implication of these statements is as follows. Because the wife-givers support
the wife-takers in economic and ritual matters, as has been pointed out, the
wife-givers can ask wife-takers for help easily. However, the wife-takers
receive a woman, gifts and support from the wife-givers, and according to the
principle of reciprocity, the wife-takers find it hard to request any more
support from the wife-givers.
The donation by
sons-in-law of the family heads is most noticeable. The son-in-law is expected
to contribute as a relative of the father-in-law and to protect the
father-in-law's honour, particularly if the father-in-law is active in politics
and business, in order to help him in these matters. The son-in-law is a
representative of the wife-takers, and must render services to the wife-givers
who are represented by the father-in-law. After the father-in-law's death, the
relationship between the wife-givers and wife-takers will change. Although the
wife-givers continue to give gifts and to bless the wife-takers, and the
wife-takers support the wife-givers' social activities, the husband as the
wife-taker has no ritual obligation to the wife's brother. Brothers-in-law are
of the same generation, and the relationship between them is friendly. Neither
of them has authority over the other because of a difference of generation as
is the case with fathers-in-law.
The relationship between
the son-in-law and father-in-law in each family is transformed into a
relationship between the sister's son and the mother's brother in the next
generation. The son-in-law repays the gifts and blessings from the
father-in-law by gifts and support to the wife's natal family. The sister's son
repays his mother's brother with respect, but he has no obligation to give him
economic and social support. This is clear from the figures in the data on the
donations. From his birth a sister's son receives many gifts from his mother's
natal family, but his role is as receiver only. However, his father repays the
ritual and economic gifts from the wife-givers with reciprocal gifts and
support. The relationship must be considered as one of reciprocity over two
generations.
Conclusion
Concerning the
relationship between the married-out woman and her natal family, the villagers
said, "We borrow from a daughter rice cakes which are carried eight times,
so we must return these to her. At last when the daughter dies, we must offer a
pig's head at her funeral, and it comes to an end." "Eight
times" means the first gift for marriage from the natal family (
heng-ho-su), the gift for the
summer vacation and the gifts of the first month, fourth month, and first
birthday for the eldest son and daughter. The pig's head is an offering which
must be made by the natal family at her funeral, when the responsibility of the
natal family is fulfilled. The wife-givers present ritual and economic gifts to
the wife-takers and pray for the birth of children and prosperity of the
wife-takers, giving support to the woman who has married out until her death.
It is impossible for a married woman not to have a natal family. If her
brothers and their sons have died off, she asks her patrilateral parallel cousins
to play the role of her natal family,
au-thau-chhu.
When a couple has
married, even if the husband has not yet inherited his father's property, he
has his wife's property and support from the wife-givers which he can utilise.
But in a joint family he cannot use them as he likes. This is one of the
factors which provokes a family division. Once the family has divided and he
has received property from his father, the natal family of his wife presents
many gifts or cash, especially on
keng-chau, to his wife, which he can utilise.
The
economic base of the conjugal family consists of the property from each father.
The wife and the property that she brings in invites division of a joint family
into conjugal families. The arrival of a wife leads to the division of the
patrilateral joint family, but she also maintains the continuity of patrilineal
descent by ritual support from her natal family. The gifts of a lantern, altar
and small shrine in the
thia show that the continuity of patrilineal descent
really depends upon the wife's natal family, the wife-givers.
Ahern
has argued
that the mother's brother, who provide generous gifts, is superior to the
sister's son, and that the mother's brother can seldom accept anything in
return from the sister's son. The relationship in interpreted as being affinal
(Ahern 1974: 289-290). The mistake
that Ahern makes is in thinking
that the relationship between mother's brother and sister's son should be
interpreted in terms of the relationship between wife-givers and wife-takers.
We should not overlook the fact that the relationship between son-in-law and
father-in-law is significant in the relationship between wife-givers and
wife-takers. The son-in-law offers ritual service and support for social
activities to his parents-in-law. It is reciprocal behaviour repaying the
ritual gifts and economic support from the wife's natal family. The wife-takers
are not receivers only. The roles of affines change over two generations.
Affinal relationships are
usually rearranged. A proverb was often quoted to me in explanation of this
rearrangement: "In the first generation there are
chhin (siblings); in the
second generation there are
piau (cousins, excluding patrilateral
parallel cousins); the third generation is scattered." While the married-out
sister and brother are alive, the wife-givers occupy the higher position in
ritual and provide economic support. After the death of the sister and her
brother, their sons no longer have any special obligation towards each other.
The relationship of cross cousin becomes the same as other
chhin-chhek. And in the third
generation, second cousins usually have no contact with each other.
In previous studies in
Taiwan it was reported that affinal relationships last only two or three
generations (Gallin, 1960: 642; Pasternak, 1972 :61; Ahern, 1974: 294), or until the mother's
brother and sister's son are dead(Wolf
and Huang, 1980: 81). Cohen observed that after the family
division among husband' brothers, the tie between the new conjugal family and
the wife's natal family becomes more intimate. There is no abrupt change after
the death of the senior generations in her natal family, and in the following
generation the affinal tie among cousins will be much weaker (Cohen, 1976: 40). Cohen's insight also applies to the data
from Ka-chheng-lim. We may say that this transformation of affinal
relationships is universal in Taiwan.
Several studies indicates
that because of the recent dramatic economic and political changes, the
importance of affinal relations has increased, both in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and
on the mainland (Gallin and Gallin 1985; Han and Eades
1992:106-107; R. Watson, 1985:
156-161). In Ka-chheng-lim, because of economic development, villagers,
especially those who have economic and political power, spend a lot of money on
affinal relationships and dowry. These are opportunities to show their
prestige. In traditional China the affinal relationship was significant among
the upper class (Ebrey, 1991:
11-14; Goody, 1991: 101-102; R. Watson, 1981: 607-612, 1985: 132-136).
It is fitting that in the donations to the temple of Ka-chheng-lim, many
affines of the committee members and the
lin-tiu give a lot of money, but ordinary
men are not so interested in using their affinal relationships. Even among the
committee members, most of them do not ask their wife-givers to contribute. The
interaction between the wife-givers and wife-takers needs further consideration
in China.
In Taiwan Chinese society
a daughter creates a useful affinal relationship with her natal family. By
having a daughter the family loses property, but if the family has no daughter,
the members cannot acquire the advantageous positions of parents-in-law or
mother's brother. Before marriage, a daughter's social significance is not
recognised by her parents, least of all by her father, but after she marries
out and provides a son-in-law, she becomes a significant entity for her father.
Only after being married out can she perform the ritual responsibilities of a
daughter. The birth of a daughter is not desired for its value
per se, but for the
significant relationships which it brings to the wife-givers. The married-out
woman maintains her relations with her natal family. The natal family is her
father's family, and after this family has divided, all of her brothers'
conjugal families play the roles of
au-thau-chhu or wife-givers. The responsibility
of the wife-givers is distributed equally among her brothers. When they do
something for their sisters, they have to discuss allocations, and one can say
that the existence of sister is a factor maintaining cooperation among brothers
after family division. The sister's role is in linking men at the level of the
natal family, not only brothers but also sisters' husbands -
tong-mng.
Tong-mng are sons-in-law to the wives'
father and must serve the natal family. Frequently they share gifts received by
the natal family. On the death of the parents-in-law they must share the
responsibility for the offerings and other expenses. The relationship among
tong-mng frequently is very
intimate. They may carry on business in partnership, work in close cooperation
exchanging information, and so on. In the donations for the village temple, the
average size of donations from
tong-mng of family heads was greater than
those from their wives' natal families. Because the wife's natal family has no
obligation to contribute, their donations are not as great, but the donations
of
tong-mng depend upon the closeness of their own personal relationships.
A woman divides her
husband from his brothers in the family through her private funds and support
from her natal family, but creates close ties between men of the natal family
and men of the marital conjugal family. And in the natal family the woman creates
close ties among
tong-mng and enables her brothers to maintain cooperation among
themselves. The significance of the "daughter" really lies here. For
a man who aspires to enlarge his network beyond the patrilineal descent group
and the village, the
"daughter" who brings him
advantageous relationships is indispensable. We cannot overlook the fact
that she contributes to the brothers' solidarity. The role of daughter as one
of connecting men at the level of the natal family illustrates most clearly the
significance of affinal relationships in Taiwan Chinese society.
Acknowledgments
For the fieldwork in Ka-chheng-lim
on which this paper is based, the Institute of Ethnology at Academia Sinica
accorded me the position of Visiting Scholar. The survey of affinal
relationships in Taiwan in 1986 was supported by a Grant-in-Aid for Encouragement
of Young Scientists from the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture. I
would like to acknowledge here the generosity of these organisations. An early
form of this paper first appeared in 1987 as "Wife's Father and Mother's
Brother: An Analysis of the Affinal Relationships in Taiwan Chinese
Society",
Japanese Journal of Ethnology, 51(4): 375-409. I wish to express
my gratitude to many people for reading the earlier paper and making a number
of helpful suggestions.
Notes
1.
Chhin-chok and
chhin-chhek are Taiwanese. The
following italic words are Taiwanese folk terms. In this paper the romanisation
is based on the peh-oe-ji system, except for tone symbols, semi-nasalised
vowels, and the distinction between "o" and "o.".
2. Horie
observes that the categories of "mother-giver" and
"wife-giver" are necessary to analyze the affinal relationship in
Taiwan Chinese society. He emphasises the difference of the two kinds of
interactions, one being between sister's son and mother-giver, and the other
being between groom and wife-giver. I agree with the view that the relations of
each generation are not the same, but the affinal relationships which are
concluded between two families must be examined through the generations, and so
I venture to use the category of "wife-givers" which implies the idea
of "mother-giver".
3. The wider research on affinal
relationships was carried out in seventeen places all over Taiwan Island in
1986. While there is still insufficient data to be able to generalise about
Taiwan as a whole, relations between married women and their natal families in
the Tainan case do seem to be unusually strong.
4. On ghost marriage in Sai-kang
District see Jordan (1971; 1972:
140-155).
5. Robert Weller indicates that this contradiction is found in several
reports in Chinese society (Weller,
1984: 256-259).
6.
Seng-le is a set of offerings
that consists of pork, fish, chicken and so on. It is offered to gods, ghosts
and ancestors.
7. This custom is not universal in
Taiwan. In some areas the wife-takers do not give
ang-pau, in some the wife-givers
must accept money, and in others it is up to the wife-givers.
8. Wang
discusses the importance of the various networks for the social activity
in Chinese society (Wang 1987:
37-40).
9. The motive for the donation does
not always depend on a single social relationship, but where information on
more than one social relationship was given, the categories were given priority
according to their alphabetical order in the table. For instance where a donor
was pointed out by the villagers to be an ex-villager [b], with affinal links
[d] and a political leader [e], he is classified under [b]. This analysis is
limited to contributors who made a donation of 1,000 yuan or more. The name of
a contributor who has donated less than 1,000 yuan is not carved in the temple.
10.
Ho-tiu means head of the
ho, a family unit for the
purposes of the family register and for the allocation of the temple expenses.