7.
Types of Surname Association in Hong Kong : Their Precursory Organisations in
China and the Development of Surname Associations in Contemporary Hong Kong*
Yoshihara Kazuo
Introduction
In crowded
Chinese cities outside China, it is not unusual to find voluntary associations
organised by people bearing the same surname. This type of Chinese kinship
organisation is not something new but rather something deep rooted in the
native place from which the people came. It was invented within the motherland
culture in China. The new organisations outside China are modelled on the
existing kinship organisations inside China, although they have been
reconstructed to fit into the new social environment.
A study of
surname associations based on studies of kinship systems in southeast China has
yet to be carried out, but the review by James L. Watson has been very helpful
in laying the basis for such a study (1982: 611) He stated clearly the distinction between clan and surname
associations in his discussion of the English terminology relating to Chinese
kinship. But he did not argue in detail about the groups called common surname
associations, which is the usual translation of the Chinese term
zongqinhui, supposedly because of
the relatively little information he had about these groups.[1] The cases in
Hong Kong introduced here will offer something about these
zongqinhui.
The
earliest surname association in Hong Kong was founded in 1915, and four more
associations were founded in the interwar period. Eight associations were
founded in the 1940s, thirty-eight in the 1950s, and twenty-four in the 1960s.
By the mid-1970s a total of seventy-seven associations could be counted. About
80% of the surname associations were established during the 1950s and 1960s. In
general, the 1970s can be said to be a decade of decline for these Chinese
associations. But several associations were organised even in the 1980s (Yoshihara, 1987: 150-152; 1991:
140-150). In Hong Kong as well as in North America, the English words
"clan association" or "clansmen society" are generally used
in the names of such organisations. This reflects the Chinese popular
understanding of the meaning of the English word clan. The word is widely used
to denote a certain kind of Chinese organisation composed of members bearing
the same surname. But if we stick to the literal meaning of the word clan used
in the English names of the associations, we may fail to understand the actual
characteristics of these Chinese groups which are generally called
zongqinhui.
These
surname associations, or so-called clan associations can be grouped into two
categories: single-surname associations and multi-surname associations. Typical
examples of the former are the Hong Kong Wong Clan Association, and of the
latter, Hong Kong Au Choy Clansmen Association and Hong Kong Gee Tuck General
Association. Single-surname associations, however, include some associations
which have additional words indicating certain names.
The above
shows that the general term "clan association" actually covers a
number of different kinds of association.
Furthermore, even among the district associations with organisational
principles quite different from one another, we find a few associations similar
in substance to the surname associations. It is, therefore, necessary to
analyze not only surname associations but also certain types of district
association in order to grasp the nature of this kind of Chinese association.
I have not
made a complete survey of the surname associations in Hong Kong. Nevertheless,
I propose a tentative typology based on research which I have carried out both
in China and Hong Kong during the past few years. While I suppose that this
typology will be modified by further research, it might be useful for the time
being to clarify the characteristics of this kind of Chinese association in
Hong Kong.
My research
is based on the supposition that surname associations in contemporary Hong Kong
have their precursory organisations in mainland China, simply because most of
the associations of this kind were organised by migrants from China, in
particular by migrants from Guangdong Province. After examining some
associations relating to Kaiping County, in the inner part of the Pearl River
Delta, I found that the traditional lineages in Guangdong provide a basic model
for the contemporary surname associations in Hong Kong.
To
understand the characteristics of surname associations, the membership of the
organisation deserves more attention. Yen
Ching-hwang discerned two types of Chinese surname associations which he
calls clan organisations in early Singapore and Malaya, and these are, firstly,
a localised lineage and secondly, a non-localised lineage (1981: 65). But he
does not seem to pay attention to the voluntariness of the membership of these
organisations. David Wu (1985:
199-203) supports Yen's view on
the similarities between kinship organisations based on traditional lineages in
overseas Chinese society and those within China, but he does not pay any more
attention to the difference in the nature of the membership. Concerning kinship
associations in Hong Kong, Xie
Jian regards the voluntary nature of membership as their basic feature (1981:
5).
In addition
to the voluntary nature of its membership, admission of women to full membership
is said to be another feature of a certain kind of surname association, and at
this point they differ entirely from traditional clan organisations. Unmarried
women can join the associations of their fathers' surname, and even married
women, together with their husbands, can join the surname associations of their
husbands. A more detailed analysis will be made on another occasion.
By the
words "precursory organisations" in the title of this paper, I mean
organisations which not only provide the organisational principle and model for
the cardinal activities of later associations but also provide potential
members and sometimes corporate property as well. Each type is classified
according to the precursory organisation which organisers of associations in Hong
Kong are assumed or observed to follow.
Types of surname association
Type 1. Lineage Associations
Some
district associations were organised around 1960 and during the 1980s as shown
below. The Chinese names of these associations include the words
tongxiang (the same district). It
is a little perplexing when the words "Clansmen Association" are also
used in the English name for registration, as in the fourth case in the list
below. The years of foundation and the common surname of the members are also
shown.
1.
|
Hoiping Yu Leung District
Association
|
1959
|
Hu
|
2.
|
Hong Kong To Ching Countrymen
Association
|
1960
|
Tan
|
3.
|
Hoiping Zeng Kiu District
Association
|
1966
|
Zhang
|
4.
|
Hong Kong Hoiping Lowkong Clansmen
Association
|
1984
|
Wu
|
5.
|
Hong Kong Bolo District
Association
|
1985
|
Zhou
|
In
Guangdong, villages and groups of villages comprised of inhabitants with
identical surnames are not unusual, and Kaiping County is no exception. Here is
an example of the Lowkong (Lougang) Clansmen Association. Lougang
xiang consists of five large
villages with a total of about 3,000 households. The original villagers in
Lougang had the common surname Wu, and formed a local lineage.[2] It is said
that all the original dwellers of this area are patrilineally descended from the
first ancestor who settled there about seven hundred years ago. Nowadays they
belong to four major segmented branches, each of which is named after the first
ancestor of the respective branch. There are several more minor branches. Each
village in Lougang is occupied to a certain extent by one or two of the major
branches. In each village there used to be at least one ancestral hall.
In 1874 the
ancestral hall of the third ancestor was founded in the market town of Lougang
in order to show the integration of all the branches of the Wu. The reason why
this was done for the third ancestor, and not the first, is that no other
segmentation was observed before his generation. Villagers shared the ancestral
property both in the name of each hall of the branch and of the central hall in
the market town. Most of the ancestral halls including the central one were
unfortunately destroyed by the 1960s.
In 1985 the
club building of Lougang was established especially for the villagers who
returned from Hong Kong, Macau, and overseas, and it is worthy of note that a
memorial hall for worshipping the third ancestor was opened on the top floor of
the club building. As the pictures of the ancestors are enshrined on the altar,
and the periodical ceremonies are observed there, the memorial hall is observed
to be actually regarded as the re-establishment of the central ancestral hall
at Lougang.
An
interesting point is that the funds for the club building were raised mainly
through the Lowkong Clansmen Association in Hong Kong. This association in Hong
Kong played an important role in raising funds in collaboration with its
counterpart in Canada. Almost 500 people living in various countries in the
world made donations. About 70% of the total funds were raised by the members
of the association in Hong Kong and their families in China.
The
establishment of this association was once scheduled for the mid-1970s, but
actually the planners failed to start organizing in spite of their intentions.
The association was finally established in the spring of 1984,[3] when the
future of Hong Kong after 1997 was better understood. I have written about the
factors contributing to the success of the association in another paper (Yoshihara, 1991: 137-140, 147-150) This
type of lineage association in the Philippines is called a single-name hometown
association in Chinben See's paper
(1981: 231), and he recognised them as agnatic corporate descent groups
transferred from rural China. He might be mistaken in regarding them as true
lineages in spite of the voluntary membership of the hometown association. But
in the Hong Kong setting also, a lineage association cannot be regarded as a
transferred lineage but an association newly organised voluntarily among
immigrants sharing a common ancestor.
The lineage
organisation in Lougang has lost its corporate ancestral trust and has been
dissolved already, and yet the agnatic descent group consciousness was so
deep-rooted in the villages that no institutional devices of the government
could exterminate it. The economic policy of China in the 1980s, which was
earnestly implemented by the county administration allowed lineage
consciousness to revive in China and abroad. So the post-1997 issue in Hong
Kong appears to have been the trigger for ambitious ex-villagers to establish a
lineage association there. The association made the local lineage organisation
in Lougang its model, but it is not a branch of the same lineage group because
of its organisational principle being voluntary.
The number
of members of the association in 1986 was about 200, which is less than one
tenth of 2,500, the estimated population of ex-villagers of Lougang then living
in Hong Kong. The same ancestral representations which are worshipped in
Lougang, but smaller in size, are enshrined in the club house of the
association. The activities of the association can be roughly divided into two,
that is, those concerned with the friendship and mutual assistance between the
members in Hong Kong as well as the conducting of the ancestral rituals there, and
those concerned with their home village affairs. The former includes the
ancestral rituals in spring and fall at the club house, the provision of money
for congratulations and condolences, and the award of scholarships to the
children of the members' families. In this association the latter activities
seem to be more important.
Group tours
by ex-villagers to Lougang to worship at the graves of shared ancestors started
in 1981, before the association was organised. Since the establishment of the
club building for the returned villagers from abroad in Lougang, frequent tours
for the annual ceremonies at the graves have been organised by the association.
The association in Hong Kong has raised much money by donations for public
facilities in Lougang such as school buildings, a hospital, and roads etc. One
more important contribution for the home villages is the organisation of a
committee with funds for publishing the genealogy of the Wu in Lougang. In
spite of the genealogies of each segmented branch of the Wu being retained, an
integrated one was lacking. The association in Hong Kong played a crucial role
in compiling the latest branch genealogies in which it was well supportedly by
the cooperative efforts of ex-villagers around the world.
The lineage
organisation in Lougang no longer exists. Even though it appeared to be
revitalised by its counterpart in Hong Kong, we should avoid confusion between
the lineage association in Hong Kong and the awareness of these matters in
China. And finally it might be said that this type of lineage association is
the simplest of the types of surname association.
Type 2. Clan Associations I
The clan as
the precursory organisation of this Type 2 is not so tight in its consanguineal
ties as the local lineage and higher-order lineage as defined by Freedman (1966: 21). The entity
indicated by the clan here is different from the clan described as Type 3 on
two counts. One is the relatively well demonstrated patrilineal agnatic ties
among the founders of some of the member lineages, and the other is the
consequent level of ritual integration concerning the ceremonies at the shared
ancestral hall which was specially built to show the symbolic integration of
the clan. The core lineages of this kind of clan compose a higher-order lineage
as the example below will illustrate.
In 1976 the
Chow Limkei (Zhou Lian-xi) Clansmen Association was established in Hong Kong by
immigrants with the common surname Zhou from Kaiping County but not from other
parts of the province. The organisers as well as the other members of this
association identify themselves with the descendant members of the clan in
Kaiping which established a shared ancestral hall named
Lianxi zhou gong ci in 1903. The ancestral
hall dedicated to a common ancestor in the Song dynasty was built near a market
town of considerable size which is the center of the four core lineages. The
members of this clan organisation called themselves "The Six Branches of
the Zhou in Kaiping." This clan organisation should be regarded as the
precursory organisation of the Chow Limkei Clansmen Association in Hong Kong.
Four of the
lineages in the vicinage carry on close patrilineal relations with each other,
and form a higher-order lineage with a common ancestor, that is, with two of
the founders who were brothers and with the rest who were members of segments
which branched from one of the two. The shared ancestor among these four
lineages is claimed to have come from Nanxiong, which is located in the
northern part of Guangdong Province and which is the legendary home county of
the founding ancestors of many of the lineages in this province. On the other
hand, the shared founder of another two lineages, one located in the
neighbourhood of the four core villages and the other far from them, migrated into
Kaiping County by another route and consequently the historical agnatic
relationship to the founder of the other four lineages is not demonstrated. Yet
the great ancestor of the higher generation common to all the six lineages is
claimed to be the famous thinker Zhou Lian-xi in the Song dynasty.[4]
In 1908
several businessmen of the clan, purchased a building for rent in the Crown
Colony of Hong Kong. They signed a contract for the building on behalf of the
clan. The building as a part of the corporate property in the name of the
ancestral hall was bought with funds raised by the descendants of the six
lineages then dwelling in Kaiping and Hong Kong. Most of the income from this
common property was used to cover the expenses of ceremonies at the ancestral
hall. The seasonal and annual ceremonies lasted until the end of the Second
World War in 1945. For a period of almost three decades after the establishment
of the new government in China, any formal communication between the clan
members in the home county and the ex-villagers in Hong Kong was impossible.
The
successors to the corporate property in Hong Kong purchased another building
for rent in 1959. And the Chow Limkei Clansmen Association succeeded to all the
property of the ancestral hall registered in Hong Kong when it was established
in 1976. A part of the periodical income from the buildings for rent has been
spent on fraternal activities and mutual assistance among the members. There
are about 300 members of the association.
The
association dispatched a friendship mission to their home county in 1987. The
mission visited all of the six villages of the Zhous after a reception party
given by the county government. In 1990, sixty members of the association
organised a group tour in order to attend the ancestral ceremony at the the
clan hall which had managed to survive during this harsh period in Chinese
politics. There they were reunited with about 1,000 local members of the clan.
Although
the membership of the association differs clearly from the membership of the
clan in China because of its voluntary nature, the shared consciousness of the
descendants for the common ancestor, and the retained ownership of common
property as well, might lead observers to take it for the clan itself. Indeed
the association's club house looks like a clan hall in many respects except
that the object of the ancestral worship is only a copy of the picture of the
great ancestor instead of the many ancestral tablets, and consequently the club
house of the association in Hong Kong seems to function as a substitute for the
clan ancestral hall in China.
The clan
was disorganised by the Communist government and lost all its local
collectively-owned property, but a part of this, notably the clan ancestral
hall itself, was recently returned to the local villagers for ceremonial use.
The altar and ancestral tablets in the hall had been completely destroyed, and
the building had been used as a storage shed.
The close
relationship between the six lineage villages based on clanship in the past
made it possible for some of the ex-villagers in Hong Kong, who had succeeded
to their respective family's right to share in the ownership of the building as
a corporate property, to organise a clan association for the purpose of
preserving the corporate property through the period of possible crisis after
1997.
The
open-door policy of the Chinese Government in the 1980s enhanced the
prospective benefits to be gained from the rebuilding of the agnatic
relationship between Hong Kong and the homeland. Businessmen hoped that their
own businesses would prosper thanks to public investment or the charitable
activities of the association in their home county, and the local government
desired more commercial and manufacturing investment from outside China, especially
from Hong Kong, to accelerate economic modernisation in the area. The
government officers expected an administration permissive toward the
celebration of ancestral rituals in the lineage or clan halls. It was hoped
that pilgrimages to ancestral graves would stimulate the ex-villagers' love of
their homeland, and furthermore encourage them to invest money there. The clan
ancestral hall in the home county which had fortunately survived was supposed
to serve a meeting point for the intentions of clan members in China and in
Hong Kong.
The
association in Hong Kong made the clan in the home county its model. Since all
the members of the association came from the clan in China, the clan in the
period before the Communist government can be said to be the precursory
organisation of the association.
Type 3 Clan Associations II
Another
type of association is also based on clanship. The Japanese word
gouzokushi means a kind of ancestral
hall especially constructed with the funds raised by descendants belonging to
many lineages of the same surname.[5] This word literally means the ancestral
hall as a building, but at the same time it also means the clan organisation
which established the ancestral hall. The promoters of the project of
constructing the clan ancestral hall were some of the leading members, or
members of the gentry class, rather than all the members of each local lineage.
The agnatic descent ties among the component lineages were not demonstrated,
but were merely insisted on in the genealogies, many of which were specially
edited on the occasion of the establishment of the clan ancestral halls. This
kind of clan is often referred to in writings by anthropologists, and the
similarity or difference between it and the clan association is sometimes discussed
(Freedman, 1966: Chapter 1; Baker, 1977: 505-508; 1979: Chapter 3).
The Chen Clan Academy in Guangzhou is a well known example of a clan ancestral
hall. As it was established by the educated elite and the wealthy with a view
to increasing their social prestige, the building looks magnificent even today.
The establishment of a hall for ancestor worship was not its primary purpose,
which was rather the political and economical influence to be derived from
having such a majestic ancestral hall.
I will
introduce here one more example of first a clan, and then of the second type of
clan association whose organisation was based on the clan. The ancestral hall
for the first settler of the Tams who moved to Guangzhou from Jiangxi Province
was built in the Song period, during the latter half of the 10th century AD.
The ancestral hall was established by one of his great-grandsons. At that time
it was supposed to be an ancestral hall just for the family. But interestingly,
eight centuries later it was re-established by forty-eight influential persons
with the surname Tam in various counties of Guangdong Province. The
re-established ancestral hall appeared as that of the provincial-wide clan in
1753.
The
ancestral hall was repaired in 1872 by the many descendants, a total of about
2,300 Tams. They shared one of the instigators of the 1753 re-establishment as
their common ancestor. About half of them lived in Kaiping, Xinhui, Chunshan,
and Nanhai Counties, approximately 300 in each county.
I will now
give a contemporary example of a Clan Association II. In 1948, the Tam Clansmen
Association of Hong Kong was established by immigrants with the surname Tam
mainly from Kaiping, Xinhui, Taishan, Donguang, and Nanhai County of Guangdong
Province. This association organised a company for investing in real estate
with the purpose of purchasing and possessing a building for rent in 1958. The
committee of the association decided to collect funds for the company from
members of the related organisations overseas as well as from members in Hong
Kong. Some of the leading members, heavy shareholders in the company, were
appointed as managing directors. The profits from the common properties were
divided according to shares. The clan association had its clubhouse on a floor
of the building, which is located in the central commercial area of Hong Kong
island.
An altar
for ancestral worship was placed in the hall of the clubhouse. The Chinese
characters signifying all the ancestors of the Tams are inscribed on a tablet
in the center of the altar.
The number
of members in 1960 was about 1400. The latest number of members is far less
than that at the initial stage. But generally speaking, this type of clan
association can recruit a considerable number of members, because the
precursory organisation is a provincial-wide clan. This type of clan
association sometimes includes sub-groups of members who share a relatively
close agnatic tie, such as is the case with the lineage associations described
as Type 1. And the sub-groups sometimes form the core of the clan association.
An example is given below.
Many of the
members of the To Ching (Ducheng) Countrymen Association of Type 1 are members
of the Tam Clansmen Association at the same time. The association, composed of
immigrants from Ducheng Village, was organised as the counterpart of that in
Montreal, Canada. One factor leading to the establishment of this lineage
association in Hong Kong was that in 1960 Communist China did not allow
overseas villagers to return home so overseas Chinese went to Hong Kong as a
substitute. Another is that emigrants in Hong Kong from the same village wanted
a more cohesive organisation based on the lineage relationship. The newly
established lineage association is consequently an independent organisation in
spite of the dual membership of its members. And it is not unusual that the
positions of secretary as well as some of the directorships are occupied by the
same person. So it might be said that members of a component lineage-village of
the clan form the core of the clan association.
The Tam
Clansmen Association made the clan which had established an ancestral hall in
Guangzhou the model for their organisation. Most of the members of the
association in Hong Kong came from the same counties as the clan members who
had repaired the clan ancestral hall in 1872. The precursory organisation of
the association coupled with the investment company is the same clan as in
1872. The ancestral shrine in the clubhouse of the association does not look
like a miniature of the altar at the clan ancestral hall in Guangzhou, but
symbolises it.
Type 4 Multi-surname
Associations
Multi-surname
associations are based upon the consanguineal ties in ancient days among the
component surname groups, but these appear to be a mythological, and not
historically provable reality. Multi-surname associations are grouped into two
by their names. The first group contains the constituent surnames in their
organisational names, such as the Au Choy Clansmen Association, the Au Ou
Au-Yeung Clansmen Association, and
the Hong Kong Shoo Yuen Tong Lui Fang and the Kwong Clansmen Society. The
second group uses symbolic words in their names, such as the Hong Kong Gee Tuck
General Association, the Hong Kong Chew Lun Clansmen Association, and the Lung
Kong Association of Hong Kong.
In the
United States and Canada, the Soo Yuen Benevolent Association and Sue Yuen Tong
are used as the names of the associations whose members have the three
surnames, Lei, Fang, and Guang. Their development in this century in North
America is quite well known, but the precursory organisations are relatively
unknown.[6] It is said that an ancestral hall named Suyuan Jia Shu was
established in 1847.[7] The ancestral tablets of the three surnames enshrined
at the central hall used to be worshipped every New Year. A lot of descendants
bearing the three surnames assembled at the hall to observe periodical
ancestral ceremonies. They lived not only in Kaiping County but also in
adjoining Taishan County. The date of the foundation was, of course, not later
than that of the associations in America. It was earlier than the first influx
of Chinese immigrants from Guangdong. It might be argued that the principle of
organizing a multi-surname association was not initially invented by minor surnames
in America, as described by Uchida
(1976: 108). The model organisation was considered to be the organisation that
had established and maintained the ancestral hall in Kaiping. This view might
be applicable to the second example of the Lung Kong Association discussed
below.
The Shoo
Yuen Tong in Hong Kong was established with the financial assistance of its
counterpart in the United States in 1958. Whether any existing clan
associations related to the three surnames supported this multi-surname
association being organised or not in Hong Kong has yet to be investigated.
Most of the members surnamed Lei and Guang are from Taishan County, while
members bearing the surname Fang come mainly from Kaiping and Donguang as well
as several counties in Chaozhou. And later on, immigrants surnamed Fang from
Kaiping organised an independent association in 1988, that is the Hong Kong Hoi
Ping Fong's Mutual Aid Association. About 200 people joined this association,
and in the same year the association sent a mission to the clan ancestral hall
in Kaiping to attend the ceremony for its repair. The association lays stress
on financial support for the modernisation of the home county as its main
activity.
Aside from
the Shoo Yuen Tong and the association organised by the Fang from Kaiping there
is a clan association of the same surname. It is the Fong (Fang) Clansmen
Association of Hong Kong established in 1958, claiming about 500 members in the
year 1971. The members came mainly from a few counties in Chaozhou where a
quite different dialect from other Guangdong dialects is spoken, and a small
number of members came from a county in the Pearl River Delta region and not
from Kaiping nor Taishan. This association does not have any relations with the
clan ancestral hall in Kaiping, nor with the Shoo Yuen Tong nor with the
Kaiping Fong's association.
A similar
history about the Lung Kong Association around the world is reported in an
article in Kaiping Wenshi.[8] A temple dedicated to the four ancestors with the
surnames Liu, Guan, Zhan, and Zhao was constructed at a market town in Kaiping.
The establishment of the temple was the result of the sworn brotherhood between
the four heroes in the popular novel
The History of the Three Kingdoms. The year of foundation
was 1661.[9] In New York the Lung Kong Association was first established in
1888. I myself regard the temple as the model for the later Lung Kong
Associations around the world.
In 1959 the
Lung Kong Association of Hong Kong was organised. The basic component
organisations already existed. They are the four clan associations of each
surname, the Ciu (Zhao) Clansmen General Association of Hong Kong established
in 1947, the Hong Kong Zeng (Zhan) Clansmen Association established in 1953,
the Hong Kong Lau (Liu) Clansmen Association established in 1956, and the Hong
Kong Kwan (Guan) Clansmen
Association established in 1958. Although there is an interlocking relationship
of office holders between the Lung Kong Association and each of the four
associations, the membership is independent and voluntary in each case (Yoshihara, 1982). These independent clan
associations are classified as Type 3.
The third
example is the Gee Tuck Association of Hong Kong which was established in 1960,
whose members have the five surnames, Wu, Zhou, Cai, Weng, and Cao. The
representative of the Gee Tuck in the United States, which was established in
1920s, visited Hong Kong to urge the foundation of a counterpart. At that time
the Ng (Wu) Clansmen Association, Chow (Zhou) Clansmen Association, and Au Choy
(Ke Cai) Clansmen Association had already been established in Hong Kong, and
the leading members of each association formed a committee for the new united
organisation. In 1963 a campaign to raise funds for the club house started in
Hong Kong and North America, and three years later it was opened. They insisted
on patrilineal kinship prior to the time of the bestowal of each surname in the
ancient days as the base upon which the union was realised. It can be said that
associations of Type 3 may be the components of an association of Type 4, but
without any particular model in this instance.
The process
of establishment of the last example, the Hong Kong Chew Lun Clansmen
Association, is similar to that of the above mentioned case (Yoshihara, 1988: 155-8). In 1963 the association was organised
by members with the four surnames, Tan, Tam, Xu, and Xie. The delegate of the
Chew Lung Clansmen Association of America requested their counterparts in Hong
Kong to organise a united association. Immigrants of three groups surnamed Tam,
Xie, and Xu had already established their respective associations. The Tam
(Tan) Clansmen Association organised by one of the four surnames here, which
was introduced in the section on Type 3 associations, has a close relationship
to this Chew Lun Clansmen Association. A member of the preparatory committee
for the new united association made an interesting statement at a meeting. The
point is discussed below.
Hong Kong
is close to China. Many of the Overseas Chinese left their families and relatives
in Hong Kong, which they often visit as it holds a strategic position in Asian
trade and transport. The establishment of the Chew Lun Clansmen Association of Hong Kong will
contribute to the broadening of the network of the Chew Lun Clansmen Association
in the world. Hong Kong is a second homeland for the Overseas Chinese.
From these
four examples of multi-surname associations we can recall the diplomatic policy
of China at that time as the background for the establishment of associations
in Hong Kong of Type 4 under outside influence, and perceive a lively concern
of the Chinese immigrants for the "agnatic tie" expressed in their
organisation of united clan associations based on a very artificial kind of
kinship. We also see a strong tendency for them to try to expand the ethnic
network using surname ties.
Multi-surname
associations are called quasi-kinship organisations by Hugh Baker (1979: 164),
and the Lung Kong Association is an extreme case as it is authorised by fictive
brotherhood in a fictitious story.
Discussion
In previous
sections the relationship between types of surname association has been
introduced, but it is necessary to say more about the relationship between
associations with the same surname. The Chow Clansmen Association established
in 1948, which was organised by the Zhous, does not have any formal
organisational relationship with the Hong Kong Bolo District Association nor
the Chow Limkei Clansmen Association, which were also organised by the Zhous,
but only those from Kaiping, and which are classified as Type 1 and 2
respectively.
A
publication of the Chow Clansmen Association contains a picture of Zhou
Lian-xi, who was born in Hunan Province, and regards him as the founding
ancestor of the Zhous in Guangdong Province. One of his great-grandsons moved
to the province, and later an ancestral hall dedicated to Zhou Lian-xi was
built in Guangzhou City. The ancestral hall was named Lianxi
shuyuan. In former times many
lineages of the Zhous in this province maintained ancestral halls, so that this
could be called a clan ancestral hall. In this century, it was placed under the
rotating care of forty-four lineages of the Zhous. The six lineages in Kaiping
were also included. The Chow Clansmen Association seems to have made this clan
their model of organisation, and it was insisted that almost all the members of
the association were descendants of the clan. Nevertheless, it is said that no
members of the Chow Limkei Association have dual membership. The Chow Clansmen
Association, on the one hand, as well as another two associations of the Zhous,
has a close relationship with the Gee Tuck Associations in Hong Kong and North
America. The Chow Clansmen Association keeps an indirect relationship with the
other two through the Gee Tuck Associations.
On the
other hand one of the lineage associations of Type 1, the Hong Kong Bolo
District Association is organised among the ex-villagers of a lineage village
with the surname Zhou, and many of the approximately 100 members of this
district association are accordingly members of the Chow Limkei Clansmen
Association at the same time. One reason for the dual membership of many of the
members of the district association is its accommodation service, which
clansmen associations lack. Single sojourners or relatively poor aged members
are quite numerous in the district association. Immigrants from Bolo village
after the period of the establishment of the district association, could join
it in addition to their own clan association.
The Hong
Kong Ng (Wu) Clansmen Association, established in 1948, also does not have any
formal relations with the Hoiping Lowkong Clansmen Association organised by the
members with the surname Wu from Kaiping. Both the directors and ordinary
members of this association come from many counties of Guangdong Province, and
several even from Fukien Province. Consequently their ethnicity on the basis of
dialects varies, from Chaozhou, through Cantonese and Hakka, to Fukien. This
association might be classified as Type 3, but the model seems to be different
from that of the Tam Clansmen Association. The precursory organisation of the
Tam Clansmen Association was a province wide clan, and the members of the
association come from within the province, but in the case of the Ng's this is
not so.
In contrast
to the previous example of the Chow Clansmen Association, the Tam Clansmen
Association holds formal relationships with the To Ching District Association
and the Toishan Tam Kwong Yu Tong as well as with the Chew Lun Clansmen
Associations around the world, and thus it maintains a large international
network.
Conclusion
In this
paper, in introducing several surname associations relating to Kaiping County
in Guangdong Province, I started by talking about lineage associations of Type
1 because lineages are considered to be the basic model for all kinds of
surname association. Clans in traditional China adopted a similar
organisational principle and structure to lineages. Even the precursory
organisations of the multi-surname associations found in Kaiping made the
lineages one of their basic components.
It does not
matter whether the kinship relationship is based on a natural or an artificial
agnatic tie. We do not think that only natural kinship is true and consequently
artificial kinship is nonsense. Unverified belief as well as verified is
sometimes meaningful when the persons concerned are persuaded of its
authenticity and motivated into action. This kind of unverified belief may be
called ideology.
For Chinese
people, sharing the same surname means more or less having a patrilineal
agnatic kinship relationship even if it is not demonstrated by consanguineous
ties. The unverified belief of the Chinese proves to be actually persuasive,
because the consciousness of sharing the same surname restricts marriage
between those with the same surname for fear of incest. This kind of unverified
belief among Chinese people might be called the ideology of the patrilineal
kinship tie, which is a feature of Chinese ethnicity.[10]
An attempt
to enlarge the network of the related organisations based on natural or
artificial kinship was accelerated during the 1950s and the 1960s. At that time
the Chinese government did not have an open-door diplomatic policy. It may be
said that the close relationship among the surname associations in and out of
Hong Kong is the basis of both inter-group and ethnic networks of Chinese
abroad, and it has become important as 1997 approaches and the numbers of new
immigrants into North America from Hong Kong and mainland China increases.
Notes
*This paper develops in
much greater detail parts of a paper read at the 12th Conference of the
International Association of Historians of Asia, held at the University of Hong
Kong, June 1991. An earlier version first appeared in
The Hong Kong
Anthropologist, no. 7, 1994, entitled "Clan Associations in Hong Kong".
1. Except for the work by
local anthropologist Xie Jian
(1981), works on the surname
associations in Hong Kong are few.
2. The word "local lineage" is used
in Maurice Freedman (1966: 20), but J. Watson
(1982: 607) uses "localised
lineage". I have adopted the terminology of Freedman.
3. Geoffrey Howe visited
Beijing to meet Deng Xiaoping in April 1984. The Sino-British Joint Declaration
Agreement was signed in December 1984.
4. Other ancestral halls
for Zhou Lian-xi were built in several cities in Guangdong Province. They were
constructed by local groups with the surname Zhou. The clan ancestral hall of
the Zhou in Guangzhou city is mentioned later.
5. The word
gouzokushi
is used
in the papers by Makino Tatsumi. The Chinese word
shuuyuan
was
often used in the names of clan ancestral halls of this kind in Guangdong.
6. For example a Japanese
scholar Uchida stated the history
of Soo Yuen Benevolent Association in San Francisco, but he failed to mention
the model organisation in China. See Uchida
(1971: 98-108).
7.
The Suyuan Monthly
Magazine,
no. 2 (1985), p. 35
8.
Kaiping Wenshi, no. 8 (1984), pp. 43-44.
9. When I visited the
temple in 1991, I could not confirm the year of its foundation. I found the
date of repair in 1884 written on a pillar in the temple.
10. David Wu pointed out the importance of shared
patrilineal ancestors and surnames as the basis of ethnic identity among the
Chinese.(1985: 204-209).