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  An Old Coaster Comes Home

  ’It was a most interesting time. He is brim full of knowledge about
  and interest in the people and their funny ways and customs. You would
have laughed to see the village people stroll into his house, with a
plateful of rice or a few eggs or an orange or two, and just talk in a
friendly way; the chief or one of his ‘council’ or a couple of girls with
babies on their backs.

  ’One day he took me down the hill (he’s 2,000 feet up on a plateau
  which in default of anything higher might possibly be made into a
holiday place) to the head village of the district. There we called on the
queen mother (descent is reckoned in the female line, you know) and the
chief, and saw over a “palace”, built in clay of course, with quite
elaborate and rather beautiful mural decorations (you’ll see pictures of
similar houses in Religion and Art). It was great fun climbing down and
up a real aboriginal bush path — of the kind that alone existed a dozen
years ago before motor roads were built.....

  ‘Rattray is I think quite as interesting to be with as his books suggest.
  And that too although as he would be the first to admit, claim almost, he
came out to Africa in the first instance with almost no education,
certainly none in anthropology or anything like it, and even now he
really is not much interested in the comparative aspects of his work. He
is an observer; and an observer of people treated as people. It was most
touching to see the folk drift in from the village, chiefs and village
swells on the one hand (very often more than three parts tight) and on
the other girls with babies on their backs, bringing a few eggs or a little
rice, coming, twice over, to say thank you for some little present he had
given them to day before. . .

  ‘One of our men, John Scragg, is joining him in April, leaving us for
  good; and together they are going to hunt the N.T.’s for the kind of
thing he has been bagging in Ashanti for so many years now. The
Northern Territories are quite untouched: there are almost no
missionaries even, so they should come on, and come on more easily in a
purer form, some immensely interesting stuff ...’


There is a distinct echo of Rattray’s own voice in this last paragraph,
  with its big-game-hunting metaphors. Despite some important differences
in outlook, Kingsley Williams seems to have caught very accurately the
character of Rattray’s interest in anthropology.



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  At Christmas Scragg came to stay with him again and they down to
  Montemong on the Afram River, looking for the elusive bongo: ‘My mind
wanders back’ (Rattray wrote after he retired),


  ‘to dark tunnels in those magic forests — the home of Sasabonsam and
Mmoatia — so low, and narrow, and dense, that one squirms along on
one’s belly alternately pushing helmet and rifle ahead in a snake-like,
snail-like progress, every few minutes disentangling, with infinite care,
some clinging creeper, lest it should spring back with a warning smack,
eyes trying to pierce the undergrowth for a glimpse of the hunted
animal. Then a sudden movement, a moment’s frenzied attempt on the
animal’s part to spring to its feet, and on that of the hunter to free arms
from entangling clinging creepers and to disentangle liana from the bolt
of his rifle; then — crash upon crash, growing ever fainter, until the
silence of the forest settles down upon him once more.... The native
hunters state that the great spiral horns of the male bongo are laid along
its back, and then the beast, with legs gathered beneath hi, hurtles like a
spear-head through the thicket, the matter undergrowth spiralling off his
corkscrew-like horns instead of, as one would expect, becoming tangled
thereon’.


  Scragg, hardly more than half Rattray’s age, had trouble keeping up
  with him as he relentlessly combed the forest, but once again the bongo
eluded them. Rattray was fond of telling the story of the big-game-hunting
lord who came out to the Gold Coast to hunt lions: after some time a
runner arrived at headquarters with some samples of wool and a request to
match them — the lord had given up trying to find any animals and had
taken to his other hobby, which was knitting. Scragg went back to
Achimota unsatisfied, but with a firm promise to join Rattray in April in
the Northern Territories.

  Meanwhile, Rattray got ready for his excursion to the North. It would
  only be a preliminary foray, because he was due to go on leave in June, but
he approached it with his usual almost desperate energy and enthusiasm. He
set off in January in the Ford lorry with ‘the faithful’ Amadu and
Adenyinna-wo-Nyame (Adinya for short), the red Pie-dog bitch, through
Kumasi and up the new trunk road to Mampong and Ejura, then on to the
beginning of the long red dirt ‘Great North Road’, crossing the Volta at his
old stamping-ground of Yeji (in those days a ferry carried you over in ten
minutes: now the other side is hardly visible across the man-made Volta
Lake); to Salaga, the old slave-market and the last of the places he already

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  knew, and along the tedious 170 miles, rattled to pieces by the road,
scorched by the fiercer heat, passing apparently the same interminable
stretch of brown, scrubby bush, much of it blackened and excoriated by
fire (he went in the driest part of the dry season) until they reached the
White Volta at Pwalagu. Here, as Rattray recorded in his notebook, the
landscape suddenly changed. From an almost uninhabited flat wooded
waste, it became a place where people lived: undulating hills and valleys,
sometimes with dramatic outcrops of rock, and scattered amongst them
isolated circular complexes of smooth-walled mud buildings, looking more
like ceramic sculpture than architecture, with flat roofs or neat round
thatch. Processions of women with pots on their heads, dressed only with a
bunch of leaves at the back or back-and-front. The men were either naked
or carried a goatskin across their back. ‘They may’, Rattray said, ‘without
fear of contradiction, be described as a “primitive people”.
174

  These people were Nankanse, what most Europeans (and almost
  everybody now) called ‘Frafra’ — a ‘verbal monstrosity’ as Rattray called
it, derived from their expression of salutation and thanks.
175 His first place
of call was Winkogo. Like other Northern ‘towns’ before the influence
from the South and Europe made itself felt, Winkogo was no more than a
constellation of Nankanse compounds, each one surrounded by a wide area
of millet fields. When he stopped there and introduced himself at one of
the compounds, he no doubt expected that he would have to rely on Mole
or Hausa for communication, and it must have been something of a
surprise when a young man was brought to him who could not only speak
English but German as well, and could read and write both of them. He
was called Victor Aboya. Aboya, meaning ‘lost’, was appropriate enough,
since when he was hardly more than a baby he had been sold as a ‘domestic
slave’ by his uncle in time of famine, for a few baskets of grain. He had
been taken to the South, where he managed to free himself and was adopted
by the Basel missionaries, who had taught him to read and write.
Eventually he found his way back to Minkogo, in time to present himself as
the ideal assistant to Rattray, who took him off with him immediately to
Navrongo as his official ‘clerk’. In fact Aboya might well have claimed co-
authorship of Rattray’s book. He not only virtually dictated most of the
information on the Nankanse and interpreted for much of the rest, he



  174R.S. Rattray: The Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterland, 1932, vol. 1, p. vii.

175As Rattray soon discovered, the nomenclature for the peoples of the Northern
  Territories is a vexed issue.

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  wrote a series of accounts in Nankane of rites de passage and folk-tales
especially for the book. He was an exception to Rattray’s rule that literate
interpreters virtually invent the material they are supposed to interpret —
Aboya, he said, did not try and impress by ‘airing or dragging in his later
acquired European knowledge’.

  Aboya was also, of course, Rattray’s tutor in the Nankane language.
  Even Rattray was daunted at first by the prospect of having to learn a
dozen or more new languages — if he was to follow his own rule that you
could not claim any accurate knowledge of a people until you had a
colloquial grasp of their language. It turned out to be much easier than this
suggests, because it was soon obvious that many of the languages were not
much more than dialects of a common tongue. Apart from being of
considerable ethnographic interest in itself (it suggested that the Northern
‘tribes’ were not nearly so distinct from each other as had been thought) it
meant that he could often understand and make himself understood even
when using a different language from his interlocutor. Even so, a good
part of his time in the North was spent doggedly making out comparative
vocabularies and lists of family classifications.

  But besides the bread-and-butter work, there was more interesting
  research to do. On the 23rd in Navrongo, he had his first experience of an
almost universal feature of life in the North — the Soothsayer. He was
taken to the compound of Asakeburunu, one of the local soothsayers, who,
immediately he entered, scattered the contents of his goatskin bag, with its
rattle (for calling the spirit), soothsayers’ stones, pumpkin shell
(symbolising ‘mother’), ball from the stomach of a cow (‘death’ and
‘danger’), bangles, goat’s foot, etc., at his feet. Shaking his rattle,
occasionally touching Rattray’s arm with his wand, and quietly droning
‘Nweyommm’ (hit straight), he consulted the sortileges. Eventually he told
Rattray he would go hunting in such a direction (pointing West with his
wand), and would kill an animal. This took Rattray aback, because he had
indeed been going to ask him about a hunting expedition he was planning to
Pina to look for elephants. ‘Very curious indeed’, he wrote in his notes,
‘more anon I hope’. He came back a few days later, ostensibly to make a
plan of the compound, but no doubt also with the hope of more
soothsaying. As he was making notes in one of the rooms, one of the
women of the house came in to grind her guinea-corn, and improvised a
song as she worked, which could be roughly translated as: ‘Good! Since
long I have never had a cloth, but now a European has come to my room I
will get a cloth’. Rattray took the hint. The Soothsayer had just come back
from a funeral, where he had been looking into the cause of death — he
had found that the man was killed by the spirit of his father. He consulted


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  the contents of his bag again for Rattray, and told him that he would go
and live at Tumu, and build a big house there, and also that he would not
shoot a lion.
176 As we will see, this was only partly accurate, and it was not
enough to convert Rattray: ‘Time without number, I have wandered along
in the cool of the evening to the compound of a friend, and on inquiring
where he was, would be told that he had gone off to the baga man. Sure
enough, I would find him there, squatting in front of the soothsayer, with
one hand upon his magic wand, in — what seemed to me — a pitiful
endeavour to try to discover why one or other of the hundred and one
disappointments or worries which assail all of us in this work-a-day world,
should have malignantly fallen his way’.
177

  He stayed a few more weeks at Navrongo, during which he witnessed his
  first religious ceremony in the North, the sacrifice of goat to the ancestors
at Bolga. After that — presumably not on the advice of the soothsayer —
he took off towards the West on a tour of the area he would get to know
best, around Tumu, and to try and find some lions, which he failed to do
on this occasion. He came back with useful notes on the Isala (many of
them supplied by a ‘dear old man’ called Gyapa from Wobe (?), who spoke
six languages beside his own, and a clear idea of the general form which
his work would take. The vocabularies which he had made at Navrongo
and on this tour showed him that there was a far greater linguistic
homogeneity than he had expected amongst the various tribal groups,
which meant that it would not be impossible for him to make a useful
linguistic survey himself (learning a dozen or more unrelated languages
would have been beyond even him). There was also enough cultural
homogeneity for him to pass from tribe to tribe noting down the
significant differences, rather than having to start from scratch, describing
every detail of family structure, social organisation, religious beliefs, etc,.
in very case. And there was also a problem which had soon struck him as
being of central political importance in the Nankanse area, which occurred
with only minor variations in all the other areas he visited. This was an
apparently dual system of chieftaincy, with one man carrying out the
obvious public political functions of chiefship, and another less obvious
‘priest-king’ — Ten’dana as he was called in Nankanse — whose function
at first sight seemed more religious than political, though the people
clearly regarded him as more than a priest. Rattray came to believe (how



  176R.S. Rattray, Diaries and Notebooks.

177R.S. Rattray (1932) Vol.II,  p.313.

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  soon it is difficult to tell) that in every case the Ten’dana was the original
form of chieftaincy, and that invaders from the Moslem North had
imposed their own, more autocratic form on the old system without
changing it enough to remove the Ten’dana..
178 The ‘new’ chiefs had most
often been recognised by the British at the expense of the Ten’dana, or else
a puppet had been put in place of both, so the issue had implications for
current politics.

  By the time he returned to Winkogo in March, he had decided that his
  work would be no less than a total survey of the Northern Territories, and
he immediately set to work on the Nankanse, whom he would use as his
representative tribe. He was already accepted by Aboya’s relatives and
friends, and he does not seem to have had to do much tentative preparation
of the ground. He was taken to the ceremony of the First Sowing at the
grove of Anudi, an Ancestor of Aboya’s section. He was excused having to
strip naked, as the others had to, including Aboya. Prayers were said on his
behalf as part of the ceremony (‘All of you look after this European; let
him not fail to attend his work any day of headache and belly-ache or any
part of his body paining him; that he may stay in this place and see only
sweetness’) and he was given a hind leg of the sacrifice. It may also have
been during this stay at Winkogo that he made the acquaintance of the
original of the heroine in his novel The Leopard Priestess, Amalagane, ‘the
most beautiful’. Her name appears in his notes among the list of Nankane
names he was collecting, and on the same page another note: ‘If I were
beautiful as these clouds how proud I would be” — Nankani appreciate
beauty of nature’. He was understandably (at the time) reticent about his
relations with African women, but his description of Amalagane in his
novel leaves one in no doubt that he was attracted to beautiful black women
as well as white. One’s interest in this question is not necessarily prurient.
The history of sexual relations between black and white in the colonial
situation will never be written accurately, being more befogged than any
other subject by lies and evasions, but if we are interested in relations
between black and white we cannot ignore the most intimate relationship of
all. My own guess is that Rattray adopted the same attitude as most of the
Africans with whom he dealt: that sexual intercourse is not a sin, except in
certain social relationships and that marriage, as a social contract, and
childbirth are much more important than sex. Where — as in the Northern
Territories — it was sometimes common politeness to offer a ‘wife’ (and



  178Rattray may have been quick to interpret it in this way because in Central Africa he
  had seen how one tribe (the Ngoni in that case) could simultaneously dominate another and
be assimilated culturally by it, in the way he suggested for the Northern Territories.

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  indeed sometimes one’s own wife) to a visitor, I imagine that he was
sometimes happy with the situation. (I have some evidence for this, but of
course it is hearsay.) This is not to say (as it has been said to me) that he
left the Gold Coast strewn with his offspring: part of the difficulty of
finding the truth is that his situation encouraged rumours. And it is quite
certain that he strongly and loudly disapproved of political officers who
used their position to have their way with the local girls. He was not a
puritan in the usual sense of the word, but every word he wrote about
African women (especially in The Leopard Priestess) suggests that he
regarded them as people rather than sex-objects — though he was not
above (or beneath) romanticising them. I am sure he was not a Don Juan:
he was much too busy, and much of the time too ill, for that. A description
of him by one of his Kwahu acquaintances seems to be reasonably accurate:
“He was a white man who spoke Twi very well; who danced very well, like
a woman, and who lived to do it; who chased after women; and who drank
rather heavily”, though his interest in dancing stopped short of the
ballroom variety, and others have described him as abstemeous with regard
to alcohol.
179

  From Winkogo he went east into the country of the Talense who, as he
  soon discovered, were so like the Nankanse that he would hardly have
thought of them as a different group if they had not been labelled
separately on the maps. By this time his leave was only two months away
and he was beginning to think less about anthropology than his next
project, which was the solo flight back from U.K. to West Africa. After
years of Rattray’s pestering the government for permission to buy a plane
and use his leave travel money on it, Slater agreed, (possibly feeling that if
Rattray crashed it would put an end to all the squabbling about his
department). As soon as he heard that it was on, Rattray began seeing the
remote country in which he was living as if from the air, with the natives
below pointing up into the sky at the strange bird with straight wings
passing on its way to Accra. The incongruousness of the picture appealed
to him: it brought together the two sides of his life, his searching back into
the past and his excitement about the future. It was brought home to him
even more vividly at the beginning of May when he attended the Tong-
Nab, which he described himself as ‘perhaps the most interesting and
extraordinary of many curious rites which it has been my privilege to
attend’.



  179Reported by P. Bartle, cited by J.G. Platvoet: Comparing Religions A Limitative
  Approach, doctoral thesis, The Hague

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  Tong-Nab means literally the Chief of Tong, which is the low range of
  red hills rising out of the plain a few miles to the east of Winkogo.
Although the hills are low, they are a different world from the flat lands
with their compounds at regular intervals amongst the millet fields: ‘one
enters a rugged defile, which winds up the hillside and then suddenly
emerges on a grassy table-land, the home of countless flocks of guinea-
fowl. There are no villages or compounds on the summit, for, after the
punitive expedition many years ago, the people were ordered to come
down from the hill-tops and live in the valley.’ The god lives in a cave,
hung with filthy rags over the entrance, and a rock altar in front of
another cave. On the morning of the 6th May, 1928, Rattray arrived at the
first cave at about eight to find that he was the first of congregation, but
soon afterwards pilgrims began to appear up the path, and to his
astonishment many of them were not naked Tallensi but southerners, from
Ashanti and the Coast, in city suits and smart frocks. He knew many of
them from his days in Mampong and Kwahu and they were as surprised to
see him as he was. This is what gave the ceremony its piquancy; for it was
like a recapitulation of his career, and a reminder of how interlinked were
the North and the South, the old and the new. The ceremony was conducted
by the chief of Tengzugu and the Tendan, both magnificent-looking men,
almost naked but hung with amulets and fetishes. The pilgrims were asked
to undress, and as if symbolically Rattray saw the city clothes, garden-
party hats and pith helmets, laid on the rocks while their owners joined
their Northern brothers in the cave, where they were packed in so close
that Rattray had a person sitting on each knee. He was asked to give his
name and what he wanted, so through Aboya he made his by now familiar
speech about the purpose of his work and asking the god’s blessing on his
task, and adding that he hoped one day to fly over the spot, and promising
a cow if his wishes were granted. The Tendan carried the prayer on to the
god, translating the part about flying to: ‘let him go and return like a
hawk, that you may be able to receive your cow’ — he clearly thought that
Rattray was talking metaphorically.

  ’Other pilgrims now rose one at a time, and the cave echoed to the old
  familiar Ashanti tongue’. A store-keeper from Mampong complained that
he got no profit from his store, or from the two cars he kept for hire. A
cocoa farmer from Kwahu said that his cocoa trees were all diseased. A
clerk said he always paid his debts and his neighbours paid their debts to
him, but he still had no money. Barren women and sick of all kinds added
their requests: ‘That was all; the statement, the repetition in Talene to the
god, a wail, the clapping of hands, silence, a shuffling or a squelch of a



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  sweaty naked body, as the next pilgrim squirmed to his feet to tell of his
troubles’.
180 After the service, they backed out into the sunlight and were
led in silence to the second cave where the sacrifices were made, Rattray’s
sheep being slaughtered last of all. Then they went back to the place where
they had undressed and were smeared with a line of red clay on the cheeks,
breasts, forearms, legs and backs. The southerners put on their clothes and
Rattray said his farewells to them.

  The leave was spent preparing Akan Ashanti Folk-Tales for the press,
  and preparing himself and his plane for the flight to the West Coast. The
plan was a yellow de Havilland bi-plane, Cirrus-Moth, No. GEBZZ, which
he christened with less originality than usual, ‘Ashanti’. He commuted from
the Junior Constitutional Club in Piccadilly to Stag Lane airport at Hendon
where he systematically indoctrinated himself in every detail of the
working of the engine and the plane’s structure. He was not a natural
mechanic but he made up for that with doggedness. Stag Lane was a
romantic place for him: non-stop, long-distance and solo flight records
were being broken almost daily, and names like Lady Bailey and Sir Pyers
Mostyn being bandied about made it seem like a new Arthurian court.
There had already been solo flights to Cape Town and Karachi, so West
Africa would not be one of the most sensational prizes, but Rattray’s
project had some original features. Besides the flight itself, he wanted to
show how useful a plane could be for a political officer in a remote
territory; and it was another way of putting West Africa on the map. Like
most records, its impressiveness is reduced by subsequent advances, but if
we remember that his life was literally going to depend — as he put it —
on an accurate adjustment to a millimetre with a spanner, that much of the
ground he was covering was uninhabited and almost uninhabitable, that his
plane was like a small open sports car with wings and nothing like a
modern jet liner, that he had no radio and there was no organised rescue
service, we can begin to feel what an adventure it was.

  Certainly the possibility of his death was real enough to him. He made
  careful arrangements with Norrington at the Clarendon Press about what
should be done with the Folk Tales if anything happened to him. His worst
fear was that they would be handed over to someone with a missionary
background who would bowdlerise them — to ‘missionize’ the Ashanti, as
he put it. There had been problems over the illustrations, which were of
doubtful quality in the first place and difficult to reproduce; then it looked



  180Rattray (1932) Vol.II pp.363,4.

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  as if the book would be too expensive for the more popular audience they
had in mind without cutting. He also hoped that Law and Constitution
would be out before he took off — ‘I want to see it before I die (fly)’, he
told Norrington.
181 it was almost as if he expected to finish his Gold Coast
career with a spectacular accident: though perhaps it was as much that he
wanted to make the sheltered university people’s flesh creep.

  He took off from Croydon at 11.37 in the morning of the 5th December,
  1928.182. It turned out to be almost the worst day of the flight. As soon as
he left the aerodrome he ran into impenetrable fog and could not get about
it, however hight he climbed. After that, he tried to get below it, but was
till in fog when he saw tree-tops almost on a level with him. Then he was
over water, and came in to land on what he thought was a football pitch but
turned out to be a steeply sloping field. It turned out that he was at
Rochester, and luckily just opposite the Short Seaplane Works. The fog
seemed to be clearing, so after getting his bearings from one of the Short
pilots he took off again. At Maidstone the fog descended again and he only
reached Lympne by following river, road and railway with his wheels
almost touching the surface. His landing at Lympne was made almost blind.
Everyone was most surprised to see him, and he turned out to be the only
person to get through from Croydon that day

  Refusing to be put off by even gloomier forecasts the next day, he took
  of from France, starting behind the ‘giant’ Argosy air-liner so that he
could hang on its tail; but he was soon left behind when the Argosy’s pilot
lost sight of him and thought he had turned back. He touched down at
Abbeville and, because the weather at Paris was so bad, at Poix. Next day
he was on to Beauvais, passed over Paris seeing nothing but the tip of the
Eiffel Tower, lost Le Bourget, landed on a field near a factory to ask his
way, was told to follow the Route Nationale and landed at Le Bourget a
few minutes later. There were two days and seven landings between him
and London: he had done the same trip earlier in the year ‘between an
afternoon and evening of the same summer’s day’.

  He decided he had learned his lesson and waited, not patiently but
  determinedly, for another ten days before he was able to start again. Fog



  181Oxford University Press, Rattray file.

182The account of the flight is based on his article 'A Solo Flight from England to the
  Gold Coast in Cirrus-Moth G.E BZZ' in Blackwood Tales from the Outposts (1933)
pp.l53-204.

  159



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