Notes to chapter two. 1) General references to the history of the state of Futa Jallon are to be found in the bibliography at the end of this thesis. Passing references are also to be found in the contemporary accounts listed below, full details of which are given in bibliography. G.T.Mollien 1828 provides a description of religious learning in Futa Jallon. See also Noirot 1885, Caillie 1830, and Sierra Leone Company 1794. Matthews 1788 and Gurley 1835 provide information on the Futa Jallon's expanding sphere of political influence. Laing 1824, Blyden 1888 and Reade 1893 contain observations on fighting between Fula-Yalunka. See also Zweifel and Moustier 1881. 2) The terms "internal" and "external" are, in this context, used loosely. The waxing and waning of the state's power, and the various shifting alliances entered into between Futa Jallon and its neighbours, make it impossible to define the limits of the state in a clear-cut manner. 3) From 1854, until their defeat by Samori in the 1880's, the Hubu, according to various sources, constantly disrupted the trade routes that ran from Futa through to the coast. The disruption of European trade probably accounts for the Hubu's notoriety and their frequent mention in contemporary sources. The following account of the "Hubu menace" mainly derives from Magbaily-Fyle (1979 p.106-111 and passim). In 1854 a revolt was led against the state of Futa Jallon by Mohamed Juhe, a resident in Lamiah, Ganimayo province. The reasons for the revolt are uncertain, although the rebels' religious Islamic fervour is commented upon in a number of sources. The rebels were driven from the Ganimayo Province, but were able to form a political centre in the Fitaba region with Boketo as its capital. (Viellard 1940 p.103) Mohamad Juhe was succeeded by his son, Karamoko Abal Kabba, whom, Magbaily-Fyle, suggests was instrumental in the establishment of "Hamdallahie" ( A corruption of "Praise be to God" in Arabic), as the rebel's stronghold region. Hamdallahie lay between the state of Futa Jallon and the Yalunka state of Solimana. This mountainous "no man's land", described by Reade as "a wilderness", (1893 p.413) was successfully defended by the "Hubu" until their defeat by Samori in 1884. The Hubu are described by Reade as follows:- "The wandering Hooboos...do not till the ground, and obtain rice only as plunder in war; they make holes in the ground, and pound the husk out with the butt-end of their guns. The various clans are firmly united by the Moslem faith, and doubtless their desire to possess the horses and cattle and gold-dust and rice of the pagan Soolimas is heightened by religious bigotry". (1893 p.413, emphasis added) See Lipschutz 1973 p. 29ff and passim., and Viellard 1940 p.103 and maps 2 and 3). Contemporary accounts are also to be found in Blyden 1888 and Zweifel and Moustier 1881. 4) Sanda is an area of Bombali District where Fula pastoralists have settled since the turn of the century. Fula from elsewhere in Sierra Leone refer to Fula from Bombali

32

District as "Sanda Fula". I gained the impression that many Fula in Kabala regarded "Sanda Fula" as having a separate sub-group "identity". For example, I was told that Fula in this area intermarried freely with the indigenous Temne and Lokko, and that many spoke these languages rather than their own. However, I did not visit the district myself, and I am uncertain whether Fula from Bombali regard themselves as "Sanda Fula". It is possible that older sub-group "identities" are still important. (But see below.) 5) cf. Murray, who notes of the Tellico "They do not mix or intermarry with other Fulas". (1958, p. 104) Incidentally, Murray does not mention the Hubu, although he includes "Bowai" in his list of "subdivisions". During my research I did not come across an incidence of any individual or group designated by this term. My urban Fula informants were quite certain that such a sub-group did not exist, and suggested that there may be some linguistic confusion. Bowe, I was told, referred to a high area, a stony dry place. Perhaps, they suggested, "Bowai" was being utilised to refer to the Fula who live in these kind of places. Viellard (1940) lends some support to this explanation. He notes how the Fula of Futa Jallon have given names to the principal types of geobotanical formations (formations géobotaniques). Among those listed is Bowal, (pl.Bove), described as "la lande des plateaux sans arbres; dessech‚ en saison sêche, inondée pendent les pluies, nappe de cailloux oxydés, plaque de latérite...le bowal couvre des surfaces immenses dans le plateaux central et dans la zone occidentale: certains sont des paturages passables..." (p.95) Bève also appears on map four of Viellard's paper, as an administrative section. (map 2:2) In a recent article the plural of bowal is recorded as bowê and not bève as suggested by Viellard. (Traoré Ray Autre 1980, p.426) 6) Turton's analysis of territorial expansion is based on data relating to the Mursi system of territorial segmentation. Turton raises the question as to whether "there is such a thing as "Mursi society" in anything but a relative and transitory sense. It is not so much that the Mursi are expanding, I argue, as they are expansion. To put it another way, they are a temporary coalescence in a movement of population which goes far beyond them in both space and time".(1979, p.122; original emphasis) There is no room to pursue the argument here, but I believe that Turton's insights have more general significance, than the narrow focus of his paper would suggest. 7) Fula pastoralists are sometimes referred to as Pulaar Burruwe (F), which can be translated as Fula of the Bush. In the past, the phrase may have been used in a pejorative manner. (See for example Suret-Canale 1970 p.79) However, during my visit, I noted a great reluctance on the part of many urban Fula to give this impression, and I detected a general ambivalence in urban attitudes towards the pastoral sector of the community. (See below). 8) Magbaily-Fyle notes:- "After the cessation of hostilities between Futa and Solimana in the early nineteenth century, it appears that some Fula were gradually migrating into Solimana, settling especially in the northern border towns in the latter state. These towns, which were of course closest to Futa, now came to have a population part Yalunka, part Fula. By the 1870's, the population of Kaliere was about near equal strength of Yalunka and Fula."(1979 p.107. The source being Zweifel and Moustier 1881)

33

And see Stenning 1957. 9) cf. Lipschutz, who observes: "The British... forced changes in the relationship of the people of Koinadugu with stranger groups by restricting the movements of the latter. The immediate post-protectorate years had seen a lot of Fula immigration. In 1919 the District Commissioner ordered all those Fula arriving from French territory to reside South of Falaba river (well away from the French border) and to build houses. For some reason the order was not enforced until 1928...The motive was apparently to control movement across the French border...The cases demonstrate the hardening of a previously fluid situation." (1973 p.154) 10) As his description makes clear, Rankin was much impressed by the visual appearance of the Fula trader. "These swarthy disciples of the Prophet sweep past the English resident, whose most expensive dress is at best unsightly,...in all the noble grace of loose and flowing drapery. The sun glances upon a high cloth peaked cap of scarlet and blue, a long full white robe with falling sleeves over a tight vest. Enormous indigo trousers to the knee, balloon-shaped, prove the wealth of their owner... He walks with stately step along the hot street; his feet in red leather sandals, bossed and ornamented; the sacred talismans or greegrees,- red leather cases an inch square, containing a precious tutelary sentence from the Koran,- are profusely suspended from round the neck; a complicated cartridge-box, decorated with a multitude of tassles, and cords of plaited leather...hangs by his side, by the short and heavy scabbard, weapon of many services...Sometimes he carries, high over head, like a balancer's pole at Astley's, a ponderous musket...The eye is thoughtful, the step measured, the rosary beads in his hand none can mistake him. He is a disciple of the Prophet of Mecca, he is the gold-merchant of the coast, and is more than suspected to carry on extensive commerce in human beings." (1836 p.120-2) Over 100 years later, Banton provides a similar description:- "The Fula are a proud people and are readily recognised in the streets of Freetown by their gaunt features, small grey beards, white robes and a white cap often embroidered in yellow..." (1957, p.128) 11) It has been estimated that between half and three quarters of Futa Jallon's population were slaves, until its substantial reduction during the colonial era. (Boutillier 1968 cited in Suret-Canale 1980 p.80. See also Kup 1975 p. 66) However, I suggest that both Kup and Suret-Canale overestimate the importance of the slave trade. As Mouser observes, few caravans arrived on the Guinea Coast with only slaves to sell. (1973, p.47) Furthermore, as Rodney has shown, it is important to distinguish, say, "the Atlantic Slave Trade", from "domestic slavery" and "other forms of social oppression". Failure to do so, can be very misleading. (Rodney 1966, passim). 12) For example Kup notes:- "In the eighteenth century the trading networks of the rivers Bumpe and Ribbi (south of the Freetown peninsula) were under Fula control". (1975 p.65)

34

13) Fyfe's evidence suggests that the trade was still providing "big business". In 1889 Lieutenant Lendy, visiting Fula Town near Rotifunk, discovered, " eighty slaves, waiting in chains to be carried off for sale, the property of de Winton's Fula allies, who operated the slave route to the Northern rivers. Rather than arrest them for trial in Freetown, and raise the ticklish question of slavery on British soil, he had then summarily flogged, destroyed their towns and drove them out of the country". (Fyfe 1962 p.485) 14) Deputations to and from the Futa capital continued up until the 1870's. Blyden visited Timbo in 1872 and in 1873. However, by the mid-1890's, Britain had abandoned Futa Jallon to French influence. (Suret-Canale 1970 p.83) 15) Harrell-Bond et al. quote the following figures. (1978,See table 4 on p.34 and also page 174) Their data is drawn from various sources, including censuses and estimates, and as such can only be taken as a rough guide. Table 2:1; showing population of Fula in Freetown 1831-1976. Year Population 1831 1881 1911 1931 1963 1967 1976 62 124 289 1119 6,533 13000+ 30000+ In 1976 the total Freetown population was estimated as more than 300,000. This suggests that the Fula are the fourth, or possibly, the third largest ethnic community in the capital. (ibid p.174) 16) In brief, and with all due respect, I found Butcher's thesis of little relevance to the preparation of my own; I refer to it only occasionally. I have already indicated some of the main reasons for my difficulties in making use of his data. I disagree with much of his own interpretation but I decided that to dwell on this would have been unnecessary and unproductive, and left little room for my own observations. Nonetheless, his thesis remains an important source of information on Fula in Sierra Leone. 17) Non-Temne comprised only 1.6% of the 1780 people resident in the chiefdom in 1955. This category rose to 2.7% out of a total population by 1963. Of the non-Temne population resident in this small rural chiefdom, the Fula were most numerous. (Dorjahn 1975,p.39) 18) In a footnote, Dorjahn adds:-" Kolifa Temne were fascinated with the subject of (Fula) thievery and a growing folklore was developing. For example, a Fula cattle thief puts salt in his hair, crawls on hands and knees toward a cow and ties a rope on it while the cow licks the salt. Again, boards or rattan discs are attached to a cow's hooves to erase tracks. Yet again, Fula walk a stolen cow backwards to confuse the trackers. Several maintained that a Fula can "talk" to cattle, literally. Non-cattle-

35

keeping peoples such as the Temne seem often to be greatly impressed by the skills of cattle-keeping peoples". (fn.18, p.46. And see Dupire 1981, p.107f) I would add that many Fula were also "greatly impressed" at the skill and daring of cattle thieves. I heard similar accounts from informants in Kabala suggesting, I think, that the rustling techniques, described by Dorjahn, (which appear fairly sensible measures anyway) are not entirely fictitious. (For example, salt is fed to cattle, by hand, to "tame" them before they are taken by lorry to market. See below). I also heard it said that Tellico could "talk" to cattle, but there was no suggestion that they used this power to steal. 19) And see Banton who notes:- "One old 'Pa' [from Mateboi-Sanda Tenraran Chiefdom] bemoaned the emigration of the Temne young men [to Freetown] and compared them with the dutiful Fula youths" (1957, p.53) 20) During the 1960's, most prominent leaders of the Fula community had been S.L.P.P. supporters. The ascendancy of the A.P.C. had the effect of temporarily isolating the Fula community from the national political process. However, at the time of writing, it appears that the Fula are becoming more involved at the highest levels of government. Recent elections have seen the return of Fula Members of Parliament from Freetown and the provinces. (See Harrell-Bond et al. 1978 p.272) And see Leighton (1972) who examines the political problems facing the Lebanese community in Sierra Leone, another commercially successful "stranger group". 21) However, note the following government memoranda: "Experience has shown particularly in the Diamond areas for nearly all Fullahs entering Sierra Leone to claim that they are born in Koinadugu District and the majority of all such Fullahs now possess Sierra Leonean Passports. A case in point is that of Barri Karim who is a Guinean and who was at no time a naturalised Sierra Leonean but possessed a Sierra Leone Passport. During the last Operation Exodus in Kono, he together with other non-Sierra Leoneans were picked up by the armed Forces and handed over to the Guinea Authorities at the border....A section of the Press tried to embarrass us the Government by imputing improper motives and tried to make people believe that Barri Karim was a naturalised Sierra Leonean while others claimed that he was born in Koinadugu District." (1969 Cabinet paper entitled, "Revival of Tribal Headmen, Memorandum by the Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior", quoted in Harrell-Bond et al. 1978 p.273) As the same paper observes, "It is not easy to discern a Guinea Fullah from a Sierra Leone Fullah". (ibid) 22) cf. Sibanda (1979) who argues that farmers in north-west Sierra Leone were "integrated into the colonialist system as independent producers" (p.485) He suggests:- "Pre-colonial trade networks with the Guinea Plain continued more or less unimpaired notwithstanding the political boundary [between Guinea and Sierra Leone]. Thus, petty Fula and Mandingo traders continued to exchange rice and kola nuts for cattle from French Guinea, which they later sold in Port Loko and Makeni". (ibid p.486, and see below) 23) The following case, taken from Harrell-Bond et al. is perhaps an extreme example, but in the context of the present discussions, of interest.

36

In 1971 the Sierra Leone Ministry of the Interior received a communication from the Guinea Ambassador accusing Momadu Bah the Fula tribal headman in Freetown "of being engaged in subversive activities against the Republic of Guinea. His name had been linked to the 'aggression of 22nd November 1970'. Bah was accused of having recruited mercenaries and trained them in the Waterloo area. Specifically, he was accused of having provided two Toyota lorries to transport mercenaries into Guinea to 'topple the constitutional Government of the Republic of Guinea'." (1978 p.277-8) Alhaji Momodu Bah had been Fula headman since 1951. He had come to Freetown, from Peta in Futa Jallon, in 1928. (ibid p.177-8) Bah was deported to Guinea. It is alleged that he was transported to the border, where he was handed over to the Guinea military. Rumours in Freetown suggested that Bah was shot the moment he stepped into Guinea.(ibid p.278)

37