may persuade their husbands to release them sufficient capital to engage in more profitable trade. In these instances, and when domestic circumstances allow, a woman may be able to obtain an income sufficient to support herself and her children. But there is no simple correlation between financial and what we may term political independence, beyond the simple truth that without money one must be dependent on somebody. There is no suggestion that a woman with an independent income will be less dutiful as a wife, indeed, the contrary may be the case. Ja Ai was the first and only wife of a trader, who specialised in manufactured items. In her mid-twenties, and having born just two children, she was still an attractive woman. Her husbands' trading frequently took him to Guinea where he would stay up to a few months at a time. Whilst the husband provided for her, during his absence, Ja Ai also used to run a small table from her verandah, from which she sold cigarettes, tea-bags, Chinese mosquito-coils, and similar items. (*18) Ja Ai informed me that profits from her table enabled her to cope financially during her husband's long absences. She told me, with some pride, that she wouldn't have to turn to any other man for assistance. The implication being that she would be able to resist the "favours" offered her by other would-be lovers. To return briefly to Haja, the notion of the "man going before" is underlined in the Fula practice of ensuring that all women have husbands. I was told, by the men, that the prime purpose of the remarriage of an elderly widow was to ensure there would be a man to supervise her burial in the event of her death. Thus, following the death of her first husband Haja remarried, but was sufficiently wealthy to ensure that her dependence on her new husband for financial support was more apparent than real, and of a symbolic nature. Such independence can be achieved over many years during a woman's first marriage, often with the assistance, even encouragement, of the husband, and is more frequent in wealthy households. Particularly strong-minded women who had been able to achieve a position of some independence from their husbands early on in their marital career were not regarded as "normal" by any means. In summary, there are plenty of opportunities for a Fula wife in Kabala to engage in some sort of trading. Few women, however, reach a level of financial self-sufficiency as to allow them to head separate household units. Certainly not all women seek the extra responsibilities that following such a path inevitably entails. Others, perhaps with the assistance and encouragement of their elder sons, may feel self-sufficiency to be the wisest choice. Finally, the tensions and conflicts of interest that surrounded Haja and her household should not be interpreted as suggesting that she occupied an anomalous position. Haja went to great pains to avoid transgressing what was considered to be acceptable female behaviour. Households run by women were not uncommon in Kabala and, as we have seen, the presence of many of households of this sort relates, to some extent, to the development cycle of households. Haja's household, made up as it was of "minded" dependants, was relatively uncommon, but it was not regarded, in any sense, as "unnatural".

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vi. Male intermediacy; some concluding remarks. "Big-men" often compete to "inherit" wealthy widows, which can give a wealthy widow considerable say in whom she wishes to marry. (cf. Dupire 1963, p.83) Having refused to marry the man who was to be made the new Fula district headman, Haja finally agreed to marry Alhaji Boie, a wealthy trader, associate of her former husband and a man of much influence. However, Haja's relationship with Alhaji Boie was tense and tempestuous. The major issue of contention concerned the degree of control that Alhaji Boie attempted to exercise over her household and other property interests. Haja had no children nor any male dependants socially mature enough to carry out the variety of everyday tasks usually allotted to men. Her remaining near kinsmen, one a full brother and the other a matrilateral cousin, were both cattle herdsmen and lived in the bush. Whilst these kinsmen often intervened in Haja's affairs, neither was in a position to involve himself in her household on a day to day basis, whereas Alhaji Boie was. However, rather than rely on Alhaji Boie, Haja activated a variety of other relationships to ensure some degree of independence from him. Coto Timbi, a neighbour, had previously been in her deceased husband's employ. He was not a wealthy man. He had married one of Haja's close relatives. Although this woman had long since died, Coto Timbi continued to demonstrate, publicly, the respect a man should show to his wife's family. For example, although he entered Haja's household every day, he always removed his shoes at the doorway. Haja called upon Coto Timbi to perform many duties, such as carrying out sacrifices (an activity forbidden to women) and the purchase of larger household-items. I also performed a number of regular duties for Haja. I frequently accompanied her to make cash withdrawals from the bank, and I was often involved in negotiations with government officials on her behalf to ensure that bills, forms and etc. were accurately completed. However, I soon discovered that my increasing involvement in her household was adversely affecting my relations with Alhaji Boie and certain other individuals involved in Haja's affairs. By assisting Haja I was making it more difficult for Alhaji Boie to exert his influence. In retrospect, I realise that things were made much more difficult between Alhaji Boie and myself by the fact that I had no responsibilities towards him. I was outside his sphere of influence, and was unequivocally seen as "Haja Aisaitu's man". The same could not be said for either Coto Timbi or, indeed, Haja's kinsmen. (*19) The most important area in which Haja's position was restricted by the need for male intermediacy, concerns the control of her cattle. During the course of my fieldwork Haja's cattle were the cause of tears, a trial and much tribulation. The issues were complex, but for present purposes I provide the briefest of sketches. Haja's wealth lay in her cattle. She was always reluctant to sell any although she did so periodically to cover household expenses. (*20) Her cattle were herded for her by Wurie Juwe, a kinsmen of slave origins. Haja's cattle camp was close to that of her matrilateral cousin, Chernor Wurie. Also nearby lay one of Alhaji Boie's cattle camps. Haja, for what she expressed as reasons of health, did not visit the cattle-camp during the course of my research, and the cattle were left very much in the hands of the herdsman. Cattle were frequently reported as "lost", and accusations of theft

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DIAGRAM 3:3

MALE INTERMEDIARIES AND KINSHIP

were rife, although never proven. Over time I was to discover that these men made a variety of agreements and arrangements among themselves concerning Haja's stock. But these alliances did not merely concern the "disappearance" of cattle. Haja also faced difficulties in selling her cattle, and realising their full value. On occasions, cattle required for sale would be hidden by Wurie Juwe, the herdsmen, in an effort to limit what he saw as unnecessary extravagance on Haja's part. If directed to produce the cattle by Chernor Wurie or Alhaji Boie, the cattle would be forthcoming. However, sale of cattle usually took place at an "upline" market. (*21) The sale and purchase of cattle at the market is carried out by men. So again agreements would be made between Alhaji Boie, Alhaji Mamadu (Haja's brother), Chernor Wurie and Wurie Juwe. I know that Haja was frequently informed that her cattle had been sold for a price lower than had actually been the case. On one occasion, Haja attempted to circumvent the market dealings by instructing that a cow be brought directly to Kabala, where she could supervise the sale. Alhaji Boie offered to buy the cow off Haja for a sum considerably lower than its true market value. Haja refused to sell. However, Alhaji Boie, through his influence, was able to "spoil the price", as the technique is called, and other potential buyers were themselves bought or warned off. Haja's intransigence led Alhaji Boie to raise his offer by 100 Leones, but the price was still peculiarly cheap. (*22) It would be wrong to interpret these events in terms of a concerted conspiracy, although Haja, would often talk of her "enemies' plans to 'eat' her property". There is no doubt that Alhaji Boie was eager to gain some control over Haja's wealth in cattle, and he frequently attempted to circumvent Haja by dealing with her male kinsmen. But these kinsmen had their own interests to consider, and were themselves worried at Alhaji Boie's influence in their family's affairs. The various agreements and arrangements made between these men were informal and temporary, and there was a great deal of double-dealing involved. Although there was no conspiracy, Haja was placed under a great deal of pressure regarding her cattle interests. With no common aim to unite them, these men nonetheless held a similar attitude towards Haja and her property: "She has no children, has she? Won't the property come to us anyway? Why then does she make such a fuss?" Haja "made a fuss" because she felt vulnerable. She realised that the maintenance of her household depended on her keeping control of the cattle, which provided the means by which her dependants were supported. Anthropologists have frequently noted how property relationships and social relationships run in tandem. In this instance, Haja, with no legitimate male dependants to whom her property would be passed on, represented a dead end, and her property was already beginning to be redirected through other channels during her lifetime; a sort of pre-mortem inheritance. With her death this process was completed and the property passed into the control of her male kinsmen. Her household was dispersed.

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