Haja Fatmata was, by the time I knew her, confined to a wheelchair. Nonetheless, like Haja Aisaitu, she had a lively personality. Haja Fatmata was born in Freetown. Here, she received a secondary education (she spoke good English) and later met Alimamy Jalloh. She became his second and, it was said by some, his favourite wife. Haja Fatmata moved with her husband to Kabala. At one time she traded extensively in rice and used the profits to build in Kabala. (See Appendix One). I gathered that she and Haja Aisaitu traded together. Like Haja Aisaitu, Haja Fatmata also "invested" in cattle. In 1984, her herd numbered around sixty head. By this time, Haja Fatmata had given up most of her trading, although she continued to engage in petty trading; selling either from her verandah, or by sending one of the girls to tote in the market place. She also owned a working fridge and, from time to time, would organise the preparation of ginger beer, which would be sold locally. She received income from the houses in Kabala she let but also relied on the sale of her cattle to support herself and her dependants. Like Haja Aisaitu, Haja Fatmata "minded" a number of young children over the years and in 1984 her household mainly consisted of her siblings' offspring. She was commonly regarded as "modern" and, in contrast to Haja Aisaitu, encouraged her dependants to do well at school. Despite her disability, she remained well informed of all the news and gossip; for she was a popular woman and received many visitors. There was little doubt that Haja Fatmata ran her own household, although she was assisted daily by Ashmau, her younger sister who lived nearby. Haja Fatmata remarried following the death of Alimamy Jalloh. Her husband, Alhaji Hafia, was a wealthy Fula elder who had established a large farm and permanent cattle camp five or six miles north of Kabala. He was old and not in good health and, as far as I understood, had very little to do with Haja Fatmata's affairs. Similarly, neither of her two brothers, both of whom resided in Freetown, played an active part in the running of the household. If there had been any problems, in the past, over Haja Fatmata's right to run her own affairs, these difficulties had, evidently, been settled long before my arrival. Her house was a relaxing place to spend an hour or so. There was seldom any tension "in the air". It appeared to be a happy and stable household. 8) At first I did not realise Haja was barren, as my early field notes demonstrate:- "This afternoon...we saw Haja. We went over to say hello. She invited us to sit down. Immediately, she (and) her daughters (sic) started to tell us some Fula words. Haja (female Alhaji) has visited Mecca twice. Her husband was a/the? Fula chief but is now dead...Haja appears an influential lady, owning a few houses round here including the Peace Corps rest house. Evidently there are always people around the house socialising. Most conversations are in Krio, though one son (sic), Ousman Kindi Bah speaks O.K. English...(he noted how education here is a privilege rather than a right). Ousman introduced other people who arrived (from school) as "brothers". I tried to elicit the genealogy of his father, wives and kids but it probably isn't correct. He said that all (of) us round here are "brothers"...Haja is very relaxed and wears a benevolent smile. Many young people seemed to be around while we were there. Her house is large. The sitting room has a variety of chairs around it. Haja seems to prefer a more traditional stool and small table. Table in one corner, bucket of water for washing? (Actually drinking water)...It is fairly spartan and not highly decorated. But around the walls there are a variety of pictures and photos. Pictures of Mecca and mosques. A nice B/W photo of her husband and one of

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herself...Her bedroom has a large postered bed in one corner. Bedside table complete with two big cassette machines. In the corner opposite to the bed, is a table on which Haja kept her chop (food). Also in this room was a big cabinet full of plates, cups etc.etc." (20.iv.84) cf. Nadel (1942) who observes that for the Nupe barrenness is regarded as a "state outside conventional morality". He notes that "marriage has no real meaning without progeny. Barrenness is regarded as a great curse and misfortune. As the barren woman fails by the common standard of marriage and womanhood, she is also exempted from the standards of common morality" (p.154). The attitude towards the barren woman in Kabala is markedly different, and more in accordance with Riesman's observations on Jelgobe (Fulani) of Upper Volta. According to them:- "a woman who has no children has simply not yet had the luck to find the father of her children". (1977 pp.86-7, and cf. Stenning 1966, p.111). In Kabala, there is no suggestion that the barren woman must fail by common standards of decency. I was told of a barren wife of a poor trader, accepting that it was improbable that she would ever have children herself, saved up enough money to enable her husband to take a second and younger wife, who subsequently bore him children. It is the case here, and I greatly suspect that elsewhere, strength of character overcomes stereotype. 9) See Dupire (1970 p.26ff) who lists the following marriage prestations:-"Cattle given by the husband's group and killed for marriage feasting; cattle and other gifts given by the husband's group to the new wife for the domestic economy of the new household; gifts of money and kind (not cattle) from the husband's group (brideprice proper); and gifts of money and kind (not cattle) from the wife's group to the new couple as a form of dowry." (cited in Burnham 1987, p.163) Haja also brought with her in marriage the cattle she had been given, as a child, by her own parents. (see below) However, she was very vague about numbers and her estimates varied. Furthermore, she did not appear to differentiate between the cattle she had received as marriage presents from her own kin and those she already "owned". Often, she would simply say:-"my mother gave me plenty of cattle when I got married". 10) I addressed Haja as "Haja". Other dependants called her "Haja", "Nene Haja" (nene means mother in Fula) and "Haja Aisaitu". The children also referred to as "the mum" or "the mummy". Outside of the house Haja would be greeted as Haja Aisaitu or Haja. Women do not take their husband's clan name, so Haja remained Haja Aisaitu Bah. She told me, in some distress, that government officials had, in the past, told her this was wrong; that she should call herself Haja Aisaitu Jalloh after Alimamy Jalloh. One or two documents I was shown witnessed this confusion, with "Bah" being replaced by "Jalloh", only to be made "Bah" again. 11) See Goody (1962 and 1971) for a general examination of fostering in West Africa and in particular 'crisis fostering'. Fostering is common among the Fula in Kabala, but the arrangements made appear to be less institutionalised than those reported to exist among the Gonja. Furthermore, Goody notes:- "Where old women are concerned, the companionship of a foster child is reckoned as particularly valuable, and this is also true for childless women. However, the sending of children to barren women is not stressed by the Gonja, it certainly happens, but for them its importance

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is overshadowed by the other features of the institution." (1962 p.61) This contrasts with the greater emphasis that Fula place on children going to live with their "grandmothers". 12) The decision to move out of Haja's house was a very difficult and awkward one to make. I was very worried about offending Haja, but I felt that my research had reached an impasse (I think would have been quite happy to remain there otherwise). I could not really explain my reasons for wanting to move to Haja and I "fudged" the issues. I even claimed that "the government", since they were paying my rent, wanted me to move into a house rented to the education department. It was very confusing for a while. Nonetheless, as soon as Haja realised that I was not rejecting, entirely, her hospitality, and that I was still spending much of my time with her, the issue was soon put to one side. I am sure that Haja remained non-plussed about my behaviour. But there again, even I was unsure what I wanted at that point in time. 13) cf. Dupire who notes:- "adoption among the WoDaaBe carries very limited rights, and adopted children are never included in the order of succession to the property of their adoptive parents." (1963, p.88) 14) As Peters (1978) observes:- "Broad cultural traits such as those embodied in the great traditions of Islamic religion, have...little explanatory value in the analysis of differences of behaviour between peoples".(p.313) "This is not to say, however, that Islamic culture is not a force in the behaviour of people, no more than it would be profitable to argue that Christianity is inconsequential for studies of Christian communities. By the same token it would be as unrewarding to claim that social behaviour in Muslim communities can only be understood in terms of the Quran and the traditions that have grown around it as it would be to say that behaviour in European communities can only be understood by reference to the vast body of interpretive literature accumulated over centuries"(ibid p.312-3). See also Schildkrout (1983) who discusses how secluded Hausa women in Kano, Nigeria, are still able to participate in the market economy, through control of their children's labour. 15) Little (1967) notes how the development of commercial centres and improvement in transportation has provided increased opportunities for women to earn their living by trading. Little sees this development as "symptomatic of a state of social disruption", and appears to associate increasing market involvement with licentious behaviour, prostitution and etc.(pp.165-9). Similarly Nadel notes that "Female trade and immorality are in Nupe conception two things closely related" (1942 p.333). Such opinions are not held among the Fula in Kabala. It would seem that the matter of scale is an important consideration in this respect. The marketplace is a social, and in a sense recreational centre, which provides a meeting place for individuals and groups. However, the market is not large enough to "lose oneself in the crowd" and, distant from other major settlements, Kabala market attracts few "strangers". Finally, some distinction should be made between the market and the marketplace. In Kabala, a great deal of petty trading takes place from the verandahs of peoples' houses. 16) Schildkrout (1983) also notes that children allow women access to the market. She observes further that:- "The limited economic leverage which women thereby obtain does not give them status or power in the public arena, but it does give them

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resources to renegotiate their position in a very restricted domain" (p.108). In general, there are more opportunities for women to achieve some extra-domestic status in Kabala than there appears to be the case for Hausa women in Kano. However, I would suggest that the "leverage" these opportunities provide is also aimed at "renegotiation" of personal position, rather than redefinition of the gender roles themselves. As Ottenberg notes, "Women are more concerned with finding an interesting and supportive husband, in living in peace with a family, in having healthy children...than they are with a sense of equality with men" (1983 p.79-80). 17) One elderly woman reflected that a woman's work concerned only the "belly"; cooking and childbearing. Both activities take up much of a young wife's time. Arrangements made between co-wives to share domestic chores help to lighten the burden. These arrangements vary a great deal from household to household. Two co-wives may take it in turns to cook on a "two days on-two days off" basis. Alternatively, one wife may always go to market and cook the sauce, whilst the other wife cooks the rice. Women who live in the multi-family households may also make similar arrangements between themselves, despite having different husbands. 18) The mosquito-coil is a kind of fumigator bought to ward off mosquitos. It is cheap and freely available throughout Sierra Leone. When lit, the coil smoulders for an hour or more; the sickly-sweet smelling smoke, in theory at least, keeps the mosquitos at bay. 19) My loyalty to Haja, sometimes manifested itself in rather bizarre ways. I shall give just one example. In the parlour of Haja's house was a red and white striped deck-chair. It had been Alimamy Jalloh's favourite chair and Haja took great pleasure in discovering that I, too, found it comfortable. Haja delighted in me sitting in the deck-chair, which was situated beneath a large portrait photograph of her former husband. The other members of the house usually vacated this seat when I entered the parlour; often of their own accord and always when Haja told them. The problem was, to whom should I offer the seat? Over a period of months, guided by Haja's expressions of pleasure or otherwise to my decisions, most of uncertainties were resolved. I never offered my seat to a woman or to a young man. I sometimes offered my seat to a middle aged man (my decision in ambiguous cases was normally decided by gauging how pleased Haja was to receive the visitor in question). I would always make a show of getting out of my seat for an elder; if it was someone I liked or respected, I would often insist on changing places, if it was someone who liked or respected me, they would often insist I should stay put. But, in these cases the seating arrangements were always resolved amicably. I had one exception to my "give way to elders" rule; this was Alhaji Boie, who, I had rashly decided, was the cause of all the problems concerning Haja's property. Sometimes, by acting the unmannerly stranger, I refused to budge an inch, on other occasions I would make a great show of offering him the coveted deck chair. Sometimes he would accept, sometimes he would decline my less-than-magnanimous offer. I cannot recall how all this began; I think Haja might even have reproached me by telling me that I did not have to make way for him. I can certainly recall the look of pleasure on Haja's face on the first few occasions I "refused" to make way for Alhaji Boie. I can also recall the undisguised look of annoyance in Alhaji Boie's gaze. Over time, we both became so sophisticated in our "chairmanship" that I do not think either of us knew who had "won" or "lost" because,

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fortunately, as we got to know each other better, our initial mutual mistrust became tempered with a fair degree of mutual respect. 20) Haja also sold cattle to meet her social and ritual obligations, and used the money to "invest" in a wide range of social relationships. This was most evident at Ramadan and at the other major Islamic festivals; but cash from the sale of livestock at other times during the year, was also widely distributed. In October 1984, Haja "pulled" Yaka(F.) (i.e. Zakat, the annual tithe for the poor, prescribed by Islamic law). She removed three cows from the warri. One of these was given to Lillywhite Jalloh, the headmaster of Kabala Secondary School, to "help the Fula children in the town". The other two were sold. Money was distributed, roughly, as follows. Alhaji Boie (present husband)- "more than twenty Leones". Alhaji Maki (leading praise singer, elder, close adviser to former husband)- "more than twenty Leones". Alhaji Babagali (neighbour and elder)- 10 Leones. Alhaji Babagali's elder wife - 4 Leones. Alhaji Jalloh (neighbour and elder)- 10 Leones. Alhaji Jalloh's wives- 6 Leones for the elder wife. 4 Leones each to the others. Caramokojo (neighbour and Islamic teacher)- 10 Leones. Coto Timbi (neighbour and affine-see below)- 10 Leones. Coto Timbi's wife- 4 Leones. Wurie Juwe (Haja's herdsman and agnate-see below)- 10 Leones. Mamadu and friends (Mamadu, a "cow boy" had been "minded" by Haja. He still spent much of his time at her house. He had brought, with assistance, the three cows from the warri).-20 Leones Amadu and Bailoh (Schoolboys, friends of Kindi, both stayed at Haja's for a time)- 2 Leones each. Aisaitu (dependent-see text)- 10 leones. Sirra (former dependent and agnate, staying with Haja temporarily)- 10 Leones. The younger dependants- 6 Leones each. Nene Jiba (dependent and Haja's "slave",see text)- 10 Leones Nene Tela (Nene Jiba's sister, living at Haja's warri)- 4 Leones. Chernor Umu (neighbour, of similar age to Haja)- 4 Leones. Other female neighbours of Haja's age (or rank Kr., gore,F.) received similar sums. Coto Madani ("family")- 4 Leones. Abu Jalloh (close relative of her former husband)- 6 Leones. Julde Barrie (wife of Abu Jalloh)-2 Leones. Umu Barrie (mother of Julde Barrie, neighbour)- 2 Leones. Bubakr Jalloh and his wife (neighbours)- 6 Leones and 4 Leones respectively. Coto Jaila (table trader pitched outside of Haja's house)- 2 Leones. I received 20 Leones. In addition, unspecified sums were sent to Wurie Beero's household (a wealthy Kebu cattle trader and, hence, regarded as "family"; Haja Fatmata's household (Friend and former co-wife); Smiti's household (former and present co-wife); Haja Ami (former co-wife); Haja "I" Barrie (Wife of present Fula District Headman); Alhaji Mamadu Bah (her brother); Chernor Wurie (a matrilateral cousin); a number of other Yogomaia "big-men", and more distant relatives were also included in the distribution

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Haja did not keep an account of the number of cattle she sold and I found it very difficult to keep track of Haja's finances. It was most complicated; she had money in the bank, received money from rent and occasionally tribute (gifts of money given to her "out of respect"), she lent money and, I think, borrowed money, she sold cattle, sheep and goats and occasionally bought sheep, goats and chickens. The sale of a cow brought a large amount of money into the house. Some of this money was distributed. (See above) The rest of the money, wads of pungent grubby notes, was kept in the locked drawer of the cabinet by the side of Haja's bed. Haja "pulled" this money daily, to pay for household expenses. She did not budget, except by resisting the more extravagant claims of her dependants. When the money started to run out, she would sell another animal or collect her rent, which was paid every six months or so. 21) "Upline" is used to refer to directions that lead away from Freetown. Thus, Kabala is upline from Makeni, Dogoloya is upline from Kabala and so on. 22) See Dahl for a recent overview of women's stock rights in pastoral societies (1987, p.259ff. And see Dupire 1963, p.78f

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