CHAPTER FOUR FINDING YOUR OWN: TRADE, SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY. The story of the growth and development of the Fula community in Kabala relates, primarily, to the settlement of traders from Futa Jallon, Guinea. The Fula have a long-established tradition as traders in this region; however, permanent settlement of large numbers of Fula is more recent. This chapter outlines the ways by which two migrant Fula traders have established households in Kabala.

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i. Trade and settlement. Whereas Haja was born in Sierra Leone, both Alimamy Alhaji A.R.Jalloh and Alhaji Boie, her present husband, were born in Guinea. Indeed, as far as I am aware, all the influential Fula elders in Kabala originated from Guinea; most are, or had been, traders. Trade is the primary occupation of many Fula men and women in Kabala; it is trade that has provided the Fula with the wealth and resources, which serve to distinguish them from the economically "less successful" indigenous groups. However, few, if any, of the present elders travelled directly from Guinea, and most traded in other areas of Sierra Leone before they finally settled in Kabala. Alimamy Alhaji A.R.Jalloh, for example, had lived in Bonthe and Freetown before moving to Kabala, soon after "the war with Hitler". Typically, he had traded in another commodity, in his case Kola nuts, before he became involved in cattle trading. Another elder recounted how he had "followed a brother" and moved from Futa Jallon to live in Freetown and had kept a small store, from which he sold tinned-milk, cigarettes and similar items. With the profits he purchased a few cattle, and started to trade in livestock. He moved to Kabala during the 1950's. Alhaji Boie came from Pita, a large town in Futa, after the death of his father. He told me that he had "come late" to Kabala, around 1960, and listed a number of prominent elders who had settled before him. He had originally planned to trade across the border, and operate from one of the market towns situated near to Guinea, but "God hadn't agreed". He ended up in Kabala, where he traded in rice and cattle. By 1964, he had built the first of five houses he presently owns in Yogomaia. I did not come across a single elder who had started out with the intention to settle in Kabala, and in answer to my question "Why did you come to Kabala?", I was frequently told that it had been "God's will". One very old man wryly added:- "for the same reason He brought you here". Although census data reveals that Fula were settled in the town before the 1950's, (see above) the growth of the Fula community in Kabala and Yogomaia has largely taken place since then. The 1950's appears to have been a time of consolidation for the Fula in the area, and many of my older acquaintances recalled that "the country was sweet" at that time. Encouraged by the colonial authorities, large numbers of Fula cattle herders entered the district; their herds providing a large reservoir of marketable stock. Cattle settlement areas which were designated with the intention to control the movement of these pastoralists had, I think, the unintended consequence of legitimising the presence of Fula in the area. (See below) The growing political influence of the Fula, was embodied in the recognition of Alimamy Alhaji A.R.Jalloh as Fula District Headman, who appears to have encouraged the further settlement of Fula traders within Kabala. (*1) Sometime during the 1950's, Alimamy Jalloh moved from his former residence in the town centre to Yogomaia, at that time an area of rapid growth. Haja told me that the move was made to allow "all the 'family' to sit down in one place". (This area of Yogomaia is now known locally as "Jallohmaia".) This indicates that Kabala was an attractive place for a cattle trader to settle.

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Most of the present Fula elders originally migrated from urban centres within Futa Jallon, especially the towns of Pita, Labe, Mamou and Timbo.(*2) My sources indicate that many unsuccessful traders returned to their home-towns in Guinea. Most of those that chose to settle in Kabala, continue to have close contact with friends, relatives and, in some cases, commercial partners in Guinea. Since the 1950's the numbers of Fula in Kabala and Yogomaia have grown through continued immigration, as well as self-reproduction. A successful migrant trader was often joined by other members of his family; wives and offspring brought to establish permanent new households, younger brothers, and other male kinsmen, who came to join their prospering relatives. In short, the initial Fula settlers acted and continue to act as target-points for further immigration. (*3) On the other hand, it is clear that the stabilisation of the trading community in Kabala also depended upon the establishment of affinal relations with local Fula herders, who were in a position to provide the settlers with brides, as well as cattle. It was through such a marriage that Haja Aisaitu was brought from the "bush" into town. I discuss this movement from "cattle to concrete" in the next chapter; here, I provide some further information on the establishment and subsequent development of two urban "Futa" Fula households. Ideally, I would have liked to present information on Alimamy A.R.Jalloh and/or Alhaji Boie, since this would have "dove-tailed" with the data on Haja's household. Unfortunately, I was unable to collect sufficient information on either of these men. (*4) However, the two examples that follow illustrate that fluidity of household membership and flexibility in domestic organisation may be seen as characteristic features of local Fula social organisation. Outline one: Alhaji Pita. Alhaji Pita was a frequent visitor to Haja's household, although he rarely stayed long, and more often than not, simply popped his head round the door and greeted the household when he was passing. He was in his mid-sixties, a "retired" cattle trader and owner, and a respected elder, more noted for his calm and friendly manner, than active involvement in community politics. He was born in Guinea and came from the town of Pita, from whence his nickname derived. Alhaji Pita had come to Sierra Leone as a cattle trader, following in the footsteps of an elder brother. Alhaji Pita originally traded in the Kamikwie-Lunsar area, taking cattle from there to Monrovia. (See Dorjahn 1962) He later moved north to Gbindi, a town situated on the Guinea-Sierra Leone border, where he continued to trade. Like many other traders Alhaji Pita was able to develop his own herd of cattle whilst continuing to trade. The demands of his herd led Alhaji Pita to make a series of moves, before he settled on a more permanent basis just outside Malaforia, a small Kuranko town, four or five miles from Kabala. Alhaji Pita remained in Malaforia for many years. Here he developed a substantial farm, specialising particularly in orchard crops. (*5) I visited his farm which had a great many mango trees and, I was told, over a hundred orange trees. His cattle, however, were transferred to Balandugu, one of the places in which Alhaji Pita had previously settled for a short time. The cattle are presently under the care of Alansana and Ousman, two of Alhaji Pita's "sons". (*6) (See diagram 4:1.)

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DIAGRAM 4:1

ALHAJI PITA: THE YOGOMAIA HOUSEHOLD AND OTHER RELATIVES

Alhaji Pita moved to Kabala in 1982, following his pilgrimage to Mecca. Before this, he had walked to Yogomaia every Friday to visit the mosque for prayers, and to meet and visit friends. His house, which had been built during the late 1970's, may have been a joint financial venture with Mr. Bah, the son, with whom Alhaji Pita presently lives. The rooms now occupied by Mr. Bah, had previously been rented to a non-related Fula. Mr. Bah, a driver employed with the K.I.A.D.P., has recently added a further small house in the compound of the original building. He has also refurbished the old house in Malaforia, which is presently occupied by the farm labourers who work on Alhaji Pita's farm. Alhaji Pita's first wife remained behind in Guinea. I am not sure whether this marriage was contracted before or after Alhaji Pita had begun to trade in Sierra Leone. The second and third wives were married in Sierra Leone. Indeed, the third wife was born in Sierra Leone. Unfortunately, all three of Alhaji Pita's wives died young. (*7) Obviously this had serious repercussions on the organisation of the family unit. Upon the death of the first wife Alhaji Pita had his two children from this marriage brought from Guinea. The boy was later sent back to Guinea to be apprenticed to a driver. This is the son, Mr. Bah, with whom Alhaji Pita now lives. The second and third wives died during Alhaji Pita's residence in Malaforia, since when, his daughters took over the household duties, with responsibility passing from elder to younger as each married and left the family house. At present Alhaji Pita occupies just one room of the house. The remaining rooms are utilised by Mr. Bah and his three wives. In a sense Alhaji Pita is peripheral to the household, and has retired from many of the decision making responsibilities associated with being a household head. His meals are prepared and his washing done by his daughters-in-law. Alhaji Pita's quasi-independence is reflected in his choice of a room, which opens out onto the main verandah, but access to which does not require entry into the main house. Diagram 4:1.indicates the members of Alhaji Pita's Yogomaia household and relatives that have figured in the development of the household. Bubakr's deceased father, Alhaji Pita's elder brother, kept his cattle with those of Alhaji Pita at Balandugu, but few cattle were left for Bubakr to inherit. Alhaji Pita had wanted to give his youngest daughter, Habiatu, in marriage to Bubakr, but Bubakr turned down this offer, I gathered, because he did not want to be tied down to the cattle camp. Instead he went to his older half-brother in Kono, who had left after the death of their mother. Bubakr is now back in Yogomaia. His years in Kono had not gone well. He had been arrested and spent ten months in Jail. I was told that the four cattle Bubakr had left in Alhaji Pita's care, had all been spent by his family in their efforts to secure his release. Bubakr is about twenty-five. He has started farming at Malaforia, and has also acquired four sheep. He told me that when he has ten he will exchange them for a cow. He is still unmarried. Habiatu is now married to a Fula baker, resident in Yogomaia. Alansana came from Guinea when he was young and unmarried. He helped at Alhaji Pita's cattle camp. Alhaji Pita gave him his daughter Binta in cousin marriage. (*8) Not long after this Alhaji Pita moved back to his farm, leaving the cattle in the care of Alansana and his own son, Ousman Binta's full brother.

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