it is stored. The decisions regarding the processing and distribution of this food rests with each wife. Although I observed a number of gourds growing around Chernor Wurie's settlement, presumably for use as calabashes, there were no kitchen gardens as such. However, at the same site, Chernor Barrie's wife had planted a small field of maize immediately behind her house, the site of the old corral.(*24) The farming carried out by women at Kasoto and Kaseya was, in the main, for household consumption, rather than for the market; certainly, I did not witness production on the scale formerly undertaken by Haja. (See above) By contrast, sour milk (kosan, F.) was taken by the women, on a regular basis, to be sold in nearby Dogoloya, which held a market once a week. (*25) Sour milk, yoghurt-like in taste and texture, rather than fresh milk, which is rarely used, is much desired and much appreciated. It is regarded as warri cuisine par excellence, and consequently has a certain symbolic significance. I was jokingly told, at the start of my fieldwork, that I should go to the warri and drink kosan to help me "hear" Fula more rapidly. "Kosan nooweli", "kosan is sweet", was one of the first phrases taught me. The demand, in Kabala, for sour milk is such that it was seldom seen in Yogomaia. The nearest warris were reached from the other side of town. The kosan was usually sold before the warri women had reached the market centre let alone Yogomaia. Women in Yogomaia would send children to "meet" the kosan on the way into town to ensure purchase. The sale of milk, and less occasionally butter, provides a steady source of income for many herdswomen. This money, regarded as hers alone, is put to varied use; from the purchase of clothes, domestic utensils, market produce and other "foodstuffs", (e.g. "Maggi" cubes, tinned tomato puree) to longer term "investments", such as a daughter's future marriage. This trade requires no capital investment and involves no overheads. Closeness to a suitable market, whether it is a market place or merely a sizeable settlement, is probably the most critical factor in determining the possibility of sale. However, as I have already suggested, milk cannot be regarded as an ordinary commodity, and whilst kosan is sold, the simplicity of an economic transaction, should not obscure the fact that away from the market, it is evaluated rather differently. Milk is a high-prestige food item. By contrast, other "sauces", which may be eaten with rice, are less liked. From my experience, I judged that it was important for a wife to always have some milk at her disposal, and I always received profuse apologies if there was none, even though substitute food was available. In general, the supply of kosan to the market could have been increased, but only at the expense of other important values relating to social prestige. (cf. Baxter 1982) Most of the cattle camps I visited had access to a market, but I am sure that many settlements were too isolated for the women to sell kosan. I do not know what other sources of income would be open to these women, presumably they would be more reliant on their husbands for money for household purchases than, say, Chernor Wurie's wives. But there is another view, and another factor to consider. One young Tellico herd owner, Hasmieu Barrie, expressed distaste at the thought of his wives having to go to market. "I would be ashamed", he said " if my wives had to go to Benikoro to sell milk or rice. I would rather sell a cow". Hasmieu thought that Kebu women, rather than Tellico women, were more likely to sell their milk. But I cannot verify the truth of this assertion.

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Illustration 6:1

v. Herd management and the labour of men. It is unusual for a woman "to own" a warri. It is also unusual for a woman to find herself in the position of being responsible for the major management decisions concerning the herd and its associated human population. In general, herd ownership and management are vested in men, and whilst women may be influential in many of the decisions that are taken, formally and publicly, at least, the "man goes before". On a day to day basis the men spend little time with the cattle. It is during the rainy season (*26) that the cattle are most strictly controlled. However, unless there are crop farms situated nearby, the herd is not tended during the day, since there is usually sufficient browse and grazing for the herd to remain in one place. At Chernor Wurie's warri, the main herd is driven by the young men and boys for a mere four or five minutes and then left. Half an hour of so later, the calves, which are separated from their mothers again after milking, were driven for a similar amount of time, but in an opposite direction. I was given two reasons for this strategy. First, to stop the calves from suckling their dams, but I was also told that if a mother and her calf were to "meet up" in the bush, they would be less likely to return to the warri at night. And secondly, I was told that "bush cats" (butube'de F.), presumably civet cats, were present in the area where the adult cattle were grazing. By five o'clock, cattle start to reappear around the edge of the warri, having made their own way back. Shortly after this time, the men and young boys make a round up of the remaining cattle. The hilly terrain around Madogbo is, in places, a tangle of dense vegetation, and not well suited to directing a particularly reluctant cow. The young herders, however, appeared to know many of the cattle's favourite hiding places, and a well aimed stick or stone soon moved even the stubbornest animal. The intimate knowledge of the local environment, the supply of grazing and browse, their animals' habits, etc. ensures that the round up is not an overly arduous task. It is accepted that a small number of cattle will escape the round up each evening, but these cattle seldom wander far. Cows, missed the previous evening, would often be found waiting to be milked the next morning. Cows that had not appeared for a number of days would be actively sought. The rough terrain meant that injuries were a likelihood and, as I have noted, cattle theft was a constant problem. There were also a small number of "difficult" (sas Kr.) cows in the herd, whose reluctance to return regularly to the warri marked them out for future sale. (*27) During the dry season, when the herds are transferred to lowland areas, the cattle will scatter widely in search of grazing and browse. (During the 1984-5 dry season, cattle from Alhaji Boie's warri, were found on the outskirts of Kabala four miles distant). Cattle are not closely herded during this season and are not returned to the camps at night, although many return by their own volition. However, during the dry season at Madogbo, the proximity of the Yalunka village and the surrounding "gardens", meant that Chernor Wurie and the other herdsmen were forced to pay closer attention to their cattle than would otherwise have been the case. Madogbo, as I noted above, was also an area of agricultural development, and the herders feared "palava" with the local farmers over further "cattle damage". (*28) At another warri, I was told that the cattle were properly rounded up but once a week.

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In the evening, and in the morning, before the herd is released, the men cast a critical eye over it. The task of administering most medicines and treating the more serious injuries fall to the men, who chose among a range of traditional and modern medicines available. Contact, between the warri and, for example, the Veterinary Office, is made by the men, and not the women. In general, apart from the daily activities just described, the herd owners such as Chernor Wurie, and herdsmen, such as Wurie Juwe, are mostly concerned with policy and management decisions affecting the herd: for example, negotiations with local farmers for access to dry season grazing; the sale and purchase of cattle; the decisions of where and when to transfer the settlement. Such responsibilities involve a herdsman spending a fair amount of time away from the warri, visiting relatives at other warri's, or meeting friends at the market, to hear the news and listen for information that may be of concern. In addition to tending their cattle, most herdsmen farm, although the degree of involvement in agricultural production is markedly varied. (*29) Farming is not despised by Fula herders, but, as everyone is aware, it is extremely hard work. The clearing of the ground, and its subsequent preparation for planting, invariably necessitates the use of more labour than a single warri can supply. Hired labour, (local herdsmen perhaps, but more often, in my experience, local farmers), is thus relied upon. (And see Frantz 1975, p.342) Upland rice farms are commonly made, swamp rice farms less so. Access to swamp is often restricted for Fula, and it is usually herd-owners who have been in an area for some years, or those with good relations with the local farming community, that grow swamp rice. But even if it is available, the distance from the warri may make swamp production difficult, and Wurie Juwe, who had grown swamp rice for a couple of years at Dogoloya, decided he would no longer continue with its production, due to the long distances. There may be a general variation in agricultural production between the different Fula sub-groups. For example, I was frequently told that the Kebu Fula did not make large farms, and a contrast was often drawn between Kebu and Tellico Fula, the latter being renowned for their large upland rice farms as well as their large herds of cattle. (*30) Apart from the sale of cattle, which I shall discuss below, Fula herdsmen do not have access to a reliable source of income, save for their manual labour. And whilst young herdsmen would work on the farms of neighbouring warris, I did not come across an instance of a Fula herder working for local non-Fula farmers. However, hunting was a common activity among the Fula. Both Wurie Juwe and Chernor Wurie had shot-guns, as much for protection as for hunting, I daresay. Wurie Juwe was a keen hunter, and whilst Chernor Wurie showed a lesser interest, which may relate to the presence of the adopted Tellico hunter at his own camp, he still hunted on occasions. (See above) As well as providing meat, hunting is also a source of income. Fula are Muslim, and although Islamic food restrictions are not always strictly adhered to, I discovered that there were a number of game animals that were frequently shot, though seldom eaten by the Fula themselves. The "cutting grass", a large rodent, for example, was frequently killed. This, and other "taboo" animals, along with surplus "beef", would be sold to the local farmers. There was much demand for meat. It was seldom necessary for the hunter to carry a kill to the "market", as local farmers would make frequent trips to the warri to see whether a kill had been made the previous night.

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vi. Town and warri: Haja Aisaitu as Warri owner. It is not uncommon for Fula women to own a small number of cattle. Ownership of cattle usually comes about through pre-inheritance gifts, either at birth, or upon marriage; as a marriage gift from the groom; or through inheritance. However, it is also the case that few women, despite oft-cited Islamic rules on inheritance, obtain all that is, in theory, rightfully theirs. There appear to be a number of "checks" which serve to inhibit extensive property ownership by women, (some of these have already been discussed). In short, the gifts in livestock that women receive at various stages of their lives, may hold the "promise of a herd", but the promise is rarely fulfilled. The example of Haja, who in 1983 still owned over one hundred and thirty cattle, (*31) was very unusual, but it was not unique, and a number of her former co-wives also had their own cattle camps. By contrast, I did not come across any female herd-owners living with their cattle in the warri, although I did learn of one or two elder women who exercised a very considerable amount of influence in the cattle camps in which they resided. (*32) Despite Haja's "traditional" background, the particular set of circumstances relating to her move to Kabala, mean that her position as an "absentee herd owner" can best be understood in the urban context of Futa Fula traders, among whom the strategy is commonplace. In Kabala, most of the elders acknowledged in the community as "big men", were, or had been, traders who had also developed their own large herds. Obviously, a man who starts out trading in cattle will have good opportunities to redirect profit from his trading activities into establishing his own herd, but the possibilities of so doing are not limited exclusively to cattle traders, or exclusively to Fula. I knew many Fula, who traded in commodities such as rice, kola nuts, or ran a small shop, who also "invested" in cattle. I have already provided a number of examples. Of the Futa traders in Kabala, who came from Guinea, few, if any, brought cattle with them. Their portion of the family herds remained behind, or were sold to raise the necessary capital to begin trading. Whilst "second generation" Futa Fula have inherited cattle from the Sierra Leone herds established by their fathers, Haja's observation that "First time (in the old days), the Futa didn't have cattle" holds true. Cattle bought by traders are commonly placed in a warri, perhaps of a friend or relative, if such possibilities are open, or else with a recommended acquaintance. The details of the arrangement made between, say, a trader and a herdsman, will vary depending on the circumstances. For example, if the trader places but one cow in the warri, his financial responsibilities will probably be limited to occasional contributions towards medical expenses, as well as a small fee for the herdsman. In cases that involve female cattle, rights to use milk and dairy produce are given over to the herdsman and his family. Obviously, when the numbers of cattle involved in an arrangement of this kind are greater, then so too will the trader's responsibility towards his cattle be that much greater. The literature records arrangements of this kind as "karefa". (e.g. Kamara 1981) However, as far as I was able to ascertain, "karefa" is a Mandingo word or phrase. The Fula term for this kind of arrangement is halfingol, roughly translated as "To hold on someone's behalf". (*33) When the numbers of cattle to be tended are, or have become, large the trader may consider the establishment of his own warri. This may be done with the co-operation

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of the herdsman, with whom the cattle had been kept previously; for example, the herdsman may divide his warri, and separate his own cattle from that of the absentee owner, perhaps giving responsibility for the latter's cattle to a married son. Alternatively, the trader may seek a hired herder to be solely responsible for his herd. Relationships of this kind are more obviously in the mould of employer and employee. The hired herdsman may have little or no cattle of his own, and thus be dependent upon the rights to milk and other dairy produce that will be given to him as part of his payment. Traditionally, one female cow a year is also given to the herdsman as payment for his services. Inevitably, the division of herd management responsibilities alters from case to case. A poor hired herdsman, for example, may supervise the day to day herding duties, but decisions concerning the transfer of the cattle camp, the administration of medicine to the herd etc. will not be taken by the herdsman alone. The herdsman will be expected to keep the herd-owner well-informed about the health of the herd, and of any difficulties he faces. On trips to the town milk and butter will be brought to the owner as presents. The herd-owner, on the other hand, is expected to take on a number of additional responsibilities towards his warri personnel; including for example, financial help at rites de passage, and other religious ceremonies to be held at the warri, or medicines if a warri member falls ill. In brief, the herd-owner as an employer, is also expected to act as a patron and benefactor towards his, or her, employees. Although the herd-owner will expect to be kept well informed by the herdsman, the owner will usually visit the warri a number of times a year, perhaps staying two or three nights. Whilst visits may be brought about as the result of an unexpected crisis, perhaps an outbreak of disease within the herd, other visits are pre-arranged to coincide with, or as part of, periodic rituals and festivities (jamaa F. from Ar. "crowd"). that are held at the warri. For example, the herd-owner will often be present at the Tupal, a ceremony centred around feeding the cattle a salt mix, which takes place every three months or so. The Tupal ceremony is seen as a good opportunity to assess the state of the herd, as the cattle are carefully rounded up for these occasions, with missing animals sought after. Similarly, during the Islamic festival of Jubinti F., Moharrem Ar.), the herd owner will usually visit his warri to witness the counting of the herd, on the basis of which Zakat (Ar.), the annual tithe prescribed by Islamic law, is made. Herds of cattle are to be found in many parts of Sierra Leone, not usually regarded as livestock raising areas. Richards (1986) provides a useful description of Mende farmers who acquire cattle as "wealth objects", but prefer to leave them with Fula herders, rather than allow them to enter into the farming cycle. Richards data is from Mogbuama, a medium-sized village in Kamajei chiefdom, central Sierra Leone. Richards notes:-"Two of the most important savings and investments in Mogbuama- not counting the complex question of investments in patronage networks- are livestock and tree crops. As befits their "banking" role, neither livestock-rearing nor tree crop production occupies much time or prominence. this does not mean they are of negligible magnitude however. There is a small community cattle pen (wolo) managed by a Fula migrant and his household in an area of grassland surrounding a large "whaleback" in the granite zone three kilometres east of Mogbuama. Between 50 and 100 Ndama cattle are raised here. Most of the cattle belong to leading Kamajei merchants and political

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