other commodities. (*16) Purchase price, both in the market place and in the warri is determined by bargaining. And Coto Timbi, like his colleagues, relied on eye appraisal of an animal's worth, rather than a fixed price based upon liveweight. Agreement to purchase would not necessarily result in the cow's immediate removal from the warri; and unless Coto Timbi had already arranged its sale to someone else, or had pre-arranged transportation, a cow would often remain in the warri for a few weeks or even longer, until arrangements had been finalised. Following the agreement to purchase, a number of options lay open. In many cases actual payment would be deferred until Coto Timbi had sold the cow on. An agreement of this kind, obviously, relied on trust and familiarity. Where these two features were not part of the trading relationship, it was expected that payment would be "up-front". Similarly, if Coto Timbi sold the cow to a local butcher, he, in turn, would expect full payment to be deferred until the animal had been slaughtered and the meat sold. However, few cattle purchased by Coto Timbi were destined for local consumption, although on occasions he did take small stock to local marketplaces. The cattle usually ended up in the slaughter-houses of Freetown, Kenema, Bo and other southern towns, or in Monrovia. Up until the 1950's, and even later, cattle were walked to these distant markets; (*17) nowadays they are transported almost invariably in seven ton Toyota trucks. It would formerly take, perhaps, six days for the journey between Kabala and Makeni, and fourteen days to Freetown. Sometimes cattle was loaded onto the train at Makeni. Cattle may still be walked to market, especially in the Kono District. The profits are greater and there is the added advantage that if a cow falls ill on the journey, the trader will be able to sell it locally. (*18) Today droving is looked down upon and one trader confided in me that his friends would laugh at him if he were to drive his cattle to market. Transport is an area of commercial specialisation, and although the Fula are very active in this field, few cattle traders own their own lorries, which are usually chartered for a single journey. To charter a lorry requires a considerable amount of cash (rather more than Coto Timbi had available), and is, for this reason, a responsibility usually undertaken by the wealthier cattle traders. As an example, the "cost" of hiring a lorry for Monrovia was, during the time of my research, roughly equivalent to one mature cow. The charterer may, on occasions, fill the lorry with his own livestock. However, it was more usual for the complete "trip", (fifteen to seventeen cattle, depending upon their age and size) to be made up of cattle from a number of traders. (*19) The trader who charters, although dependent upon the availability of lorries for hire, is in a better position to organise his trade than a less wealthy trader such as Coto Timbi, who spent much of his time waiting around in Kabala trying to arrange transportation. I witnessed the anxiety and frustration that seemingly endless delays could cause. Cattle purchased from the warris, which were usually gathered in an area just outside Kabala shortly before a trip, soon lost their condition, despite endeavours to provide supplementary feed. Grazing around town was short; cattle earmarked for the more lucrative run to Monrovia, would finally be placed on a truck to Kenema, or even sold locally, if the demands for cash to meet household expenses necessitated a quick sale. (*20) Seldom did things go entirely to plan. Coto Timbi frequently accompanied his cattle, usually two or three head, on any one trip to market. A return trip to Monrovia would often take in excess of three weeks, especially if a circuitous route was taken. The trip to Monrovia was inevitably

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complicated by the crossing of the international boundary. I discovered that often traders resorted to smuggling in response to difficulties unforeseen at the beginning of the journey. The unofficial trade routes, although widely used, were often taken when contingency strategies were required; for example, to circumvent the sudden closure of the border, or to avoid payment of an arbitrary rise in the amount of "tax" demanded by border guards and custom officials. (*21) Unlike many of his colleagues, Coto Timbi did not fetch items of trade back from Liberia. Indeed, he would sometimes return before he got his money, especially if a surplus of cattle in Monrovia delayed slaughter, and hence payment. Butchers in Monrovia, by some accounts, also run on a deferred credit system. For example, a trader will not always be paid from the sale of his own cattle as beef, but from a subsequent sale. Alternatively, half the "trip" may be slaughtered and paid for, allowing the trader to return to Sierra Leone more quickly, with the outstanding money remaining to be collected on a subsequent trip. (*22) Originally, I was told, the traders "had the power", and the butchers begged the traders to sell them the cattle. Now that cattle are "plenty", the situation has reversed. I got the impression that Coto Timbi did not enjoy spending so much time away from home. The journey with the cattle was both uncomfortable and physically demanding. An earlier lorry accident, in which Coto Timbi had lost one cow, had left him with an injured back. Such journeys were best undertaken by younger men, and on occasions he left his cattle to the care of his "cow boy" (see below), or with another trader. The scale of Coto Timbi's operations reflected his lack of capital. As a result, he continued to carry out a great many tasks that contemporaries had long since delegated to others. Coto Timbi's two sons were both at school, and, having no understanding of the business, could not assist him. Instead, he relied on the part-time paid assistance of a young man from a warri near Bafodea, who sought to gain some experience in the cattle trade. Exactly why Coto Timbi's business had not "taken off" in the same way as many of his contemporaries, is hard to explain. In an effort to understand I once asked him why Alhaji Boie, Haja's present husband, had become so wealthy. Was this luck? Or was it (a sign of) blessing? Luck, Coto Timbi replied, and went on to recount happier times when he had had fifteen or so cows in his warri. But they had been "eaten" by his "brothers-in law", he added, by explanation. But other informants argued that "sense" and skill in business were the most important criteria for success. The social and sociable nature of commerce, at first, made it difficult for me to identify the "money-men" of the community, the wealthy traders. Even the young men, who spent much of their time on "patrol", appeared to have a good deal of leisure time available. Without a formal place of work, a store for instance, where, behind the counter, the tasks of commerce take on a routine aspect, the activities of the cattle traders appeared to be an extension of more domestic and ad hoc concerns. It was difficult to grasp that along with the food and conversation which accompanied the frequent visits that the cattle traders made to each others houses, important business decisions were being taken. I found it hard, at first, to grasp how this important industry could operate on such a personal basis. On the other hand, established wealthy cattle traders, such as Alhaji Boie, usually employed a small number of men, to whom a number of tasks and responsibilities were delegated. For example, Alhaji Boie did not go out looking for cattle himself, but relied on employees to go "on patrol". He would still visit the larger cattle markets

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from time to time, to supervise purchases, but even here responsibility was delegated. At one time a younger brother had been involved in this side of the business, but during my fieldwork, the task was reallocated to a non-family member. With large social and business networks, Alhaji Boie was also likely to be approached by those with cattle to sell. In these instances, a price might be pre-arranged between Alhaji Boie and the seller, but an employee would be sent to check the cow and fetch it to town, or possibly "transfer" it to one of Alhaji Boie's own warris. Some of the wealthier traders kept purchased stock in their own cattle camps, to be resold at a later date, say, when market prices were high. The transportation of twenty seven cattle from one of the warris of the present Fula district headman, leads me to assume that a sizeable proportion of the herds owned by the more active cattle traders may be stock held temporarily en route to market. There was some degree of specialisation in the tasks that were allocated to hired assistants. For example, in Kabala, men were paid to "train" cattle brought from the warri. As I have noted, many cattle are unfamiliar with humans, or to human contact. Cattle brought to Kabala to await transportation may undergo what is, in effect, an intensive course in socialisation. The animal will be fed salt by hand, patted and stroked, and have a rope tied around its horns. Such training, it is hoped, will keep the cattle placid both during their stay in town, (the cattle are in fact gathered in an area close to two secondary schools), and on the actual journey to market. The young men who specialise in accompanying the cattle on the lorry, are known as "cowboys". "Cowboys" are responsible for "turning the cows", to ensure that they stand and lie safely during transit. This is difficult and dangerous work, and is often carried out with some bravado, rather akin to the swank and swagger of the fairground operator. (*23) Employees under a single trader were sometimes referred to as a members of a "group" (in Krio); for example, "Wurie Beero's group". However, group members were not bound by corporate or common interest. Employment tended to be casual and, whilst a favoured employee could expect regular work, payment was usually made on a daily, or per task, basis. Individuals could seek employment in more than one "group". Wurie Beero, the most successful cattle trader in Kabala, employed in total ten "boys". He organised two or three "trips" of cattle, usually to Monrovia, each month. Alhaji Boie, who made one or two trips a month, employed four boys on, more or less, a full time basis. Employment of this sort provided young men with an apprenticeship in the cattle business, and an opportunity to engage in other trade. I was told that "cowboys" were usually only paid for one leg of the journey, and were expected to find their own way back. Many, on arriving, buy coffee or Kola nuts in the south to bring back "upline". Without this additional source of income, it was explained, there would be little profit. Because of the trading opportunities, it was held to be better to go to Kenema or Bo, than Freetown. Cattle trading for many Fula is highly profitable, and many traders have become the owners of substantial herds. Nevertheless, many Fula, even among the wealthiest traders, look to diversify their business interests. Wurie Beero, for example, formerly owned a lorry which he had chartered out, and had recently opened a shop in Yogomaia. Alhaji Boie also owned a shop and five or six houses, which he rented out. But for Coto Timbi, such affluence appeared an ever receding dream, although he still spoke of his plans to gather together sufficient money to begin building on his house plot, which had remained neglected for many years. One young trader discussed with me the elusiveness and uncertainty of commercial success in the

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cattle trade and quoted the following proverb: "All men follow their own business. They don't meet up and they don't part".

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